The Settlement of the Appalachian Frontier

"Pathfinders, Pioneers, & Patriots"

2008-11-25T13:33:00.002-06:00

I recently completed my long overdue book about the settlement of America's First Frontier - - - The Appalachian Mountain Region of Southwestern Virginia, Northeastern Tennessee, and Eastern Kentucky. This unique book includes a comprehensive historical timeline (to 1800) with many people and events that history has virtually forgotten along side well known events so the reader can easily see the context in which events took place out on the frontier. It also includes many stories, pictures, and primary documents about the facinating people and events that are included in the timeline.

Those interested can obtain a copy by searching for it at Lulu.com or get a signed copy from the author by contacting me at: Danny Dixon, 190 Kilgore Street, Nickelsville, Va. 24271. The cost (including shipping, etc.) is $24.00.

Maj. George Washington's Journal 1753

2008-04-23T11:20:00.000-05:00

Major GEORGE WASHINGTON's Journal to the River OHIO, etc
Wednesday, October 31, 1753
I was commissioned and appointed by the Honourable Robert Dinwiddie, Esq, Governor, Etc. of Virginia, to visit and deliver a Letter to the Commandant of the French Forces on the Ohio, and set out on the intended Journey the same Day; the next, I arrived Fredericksburg, and engaged Mr. Jacob Van Braam, to be my French Interpreter; and proceeded with him to Alexandria, where we provided Necessaries; from whence we went to Winchester, and got luggage, Horse, Etc. and from thence we pursued the new Road to Wills Creek, where we arrived the 14th of November.
Here I engaged Mr. Gist to pilot us out, and also hired four others as Servitors, Barnaby Currin, and John MacQuire, Indian Traders, Henry Steward, and William Jenkins, and in Company with those Persons, left the Inhabitants the Day following.
The excessive Rains and vast Quantity of Snow that had fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Frazier's, an Indian Trader, at the Mouth of Turtle rock, on Monongahela, till Thursday, the 22nd, we were informed here, that Expresses were sent a few days ago to the Traders down the River, to acquaint them with the French General's Death, and the Return of the major Part of the French army into Winter Quarters.
The Waters were quite impassable, without swimming our Horses; which obliged us to get the loan of a Canoe from Frazier, and to send Barnaby Currin, and Henry Steward, down Monongahela with our Baggage, to meet us at the Forks at Ohio, about 10 miles, to cross Allegany.
As I got down before the Canoe, I spent some time in viewing the Rivers, and the Land in this Fork, as it has the absolute Command of both Rivers. The Land at the Point is 20 or 25 Feet above the common Surface of the Water, and a considerable Bottom of flat, well-timbered Land all around it, very convenient for Building; the Rivers are each a Quarter of a Mile, or more, across, and run here very near at right Angles; Allegany bearing N.E. and Monongahela S.E. the former of these two is a very rapid and swift running. Water, the other deep and still, without any perceptible Fall.
About two Miles from this, on the South East Side of the River, at the Place where the Obis Company intended to erect a Fort, lives Shingiss, King of the Delawares; we call'd upon him, to invite him to Council at the Loggs Town.
As I had taken a good deal of Notice Yesterday of the Situation of the Forks, my Curiosity led me to examine this more particularly, and I think it greatly inferior, either for Defence or Advantages; especially the latter, for a Fort at the Forks would be equally well situated on Ohio, and have the entire command of Monongahela, which runs up to our Settlements and is extremely well designed for Water Carriage, as it is of a deep still Nature; besides, a Fort at the Fork might be built at a much less Expense, than at the other Places.------
Nature has well contrived the lower Place, for Water Defence; but the Hill whereon it must stand being about a Quarter of a Mile in Length, and then Descending gradually on the Land Side, will render it difficult and very expensive, making a sufficient Fortification there. — The whole Flat upon the Hill must be taken in, or the Side next the Descent made extremely high; or else the Hill cut away; Otherwise, the Enemy may raise Batteries within that Distance without being expos'd to a single Shot from the Fort.
Shingiss attended us to the Loggs Town, where we arrived between Sun setting and Dark, the 25th Day after I left Williamsburg; We travelled over some extreme good, and bad Land, to get to this Place.---
As soon as I came into Town, I went to Monacatoocha (as the Half King was out at his hunting Cabbin on little Beaver Creek, about 15 miles off) who inform'd him by John Davison my Indian Interpreter, that I was sent a Messenger to the French General; and was ordered to call upon the Sachems of the Six Nations, to acquaint them with it. — I gave him a String of Wampum, and a Twill of Tobacco, and desired him to send for the Half King; which he promised to do by a Runner in the Morning, and for other Sachems; — I invited him and the other great Men present to my Tent, where they stay'd about an Hour and return'd.
According to the best Observations I could make, Mr. Gist's new Settlement (which we pass'd by) bears about W.N.W. 70 Miles from Wills Creek; Shanapins, or the Forks N. by W. or N.N.W. about 50 miles from that; and from thence to the Loggs Town, the Course is nearly Well about 18 or 20 Miles; so that the whole Distance, as we went and computed it, is at least 135 or 140 Miles from our back Inhabitants.
25th, Came to Town four of ten Frenchmen that deserted from a Company at the Cuscuscus, which lies at the Mouth of this River; I got the following Account from them. They were sent from New Orleans with 100, and 8 Canoe Loads of Provisions to this Place; where they expected to have met the same Number of Men, from the Forts this Side Lake Erie, to convoy them and the Stores up, who were not arrived when they ran off.
I enquired into the Situation of the French, on the Misssissippi, their Number, and what Forts they had built; They inform'd me, That there were four small Forts between New Orleans and the Black Islands, garrison'd with about 30 or 40 Men, and a few small Pieces, in each; That at New Orleans, which is near the Mouth of the Mississippi, there are 35 Companies of 40 Men each, with a pretty Strong Fort mounting 8 Carriage Guns, and at the Black Islands there are several Companies, and a Fort with 6 Guns. The Black Islands are about 130 Leagues above the Mouth of the Ohio, which is about 350 above New Orleans; They also acquainted me, that there was a small pallisado'd Fort on the Ohio, at the Mouth of the Obaish, about 60 Leagues from the Mississippi; The Obaish heads near the West End of Lake Erie, and affords the Communication between the French on Mississippi and those on the Lakes. These Deserters came up from the lower Shawnee-Town with one Brown, an Indian Trader, and were going to Philadelphia.
About 3 o'Clock this evening the Half King came to Town; I went up and I invited him and Davisan, privately, to my Tent, and desir'd him to relate some of the Particulars of his Journey to the French Commandant, and Reception there; and to give me an Account of the Ways and Distance. He told me, that the nearest and levellest Way was now impassable, by Reason of many large miry Savannas, that we must be obliged to go by Venango, and should not get to the near Fort under 5 or 6 Night's Sleep, good Travelling. When he went to the Fort, he said he was received in a very stern Manner by the late Commander; Who ask'd him very abruptly, what he had come about, and to declare his Business, which he said he did in the following Speech.
Fathers, I am come to tell you your own Speeches; what your own Mouths have declared. Fathers, You, in former Days, set a Silver Bason before us, wherein there was the Leg of a Beaver, and desir'd of all Nations to come and eat of it; to eat in Peace and Plenty, and not to be churlish to one another; and that if any such Person should be found to be a Disturber, I here lay down by the Edge of the Dish a Rod, which you must scourge them with; and if I your Father, should get foolish, in my old Days, I desire you may use it upon me as well as others.
Now Fathers, it is you that are the Disturbers in this Land, by coming and building your Towns, and taking it away unknown to us, and by Force.
Fathers, We kindled a Fire a long Time ago, at a Place called Montreal, where we desired you to stay, and not to come and intrude upon our Land. I now desire you may dispatch to that Place; for be it known to you, Fathers, that this is our Land, and not yours.
Fathers, I desire you may hear me in Civilness; if not, we must handle that Rod which was laid down for the use of the Obstreperous. If you had come in a peaceable Manner, like our Brothers the English, we should not have been against your trading with us, as they do; but to come, Fathers, and build great Houses upon our Land, and to take it by Force, is what we cannot submit to.
Fathers, both you and the English are white, we live in a Country between; therefore the Land belongs to neither one nor to other; But the Great Being Above allow'd it to be a Place of Residence for us; so Fathers, I desire you to withdraw, as I have done our Brothers the English; for I will keep you at Arms length. I lay this down as a Trial for both, to see which will have the greatest Regard to it, and that Side we will stand by, and make equal Sharers with us. Our Brothers the English have heard this, and I come now to tell it to you, for I am not afraid to discharge you off this Land.
This he said was the Substance of what he said to the General, who made this Reply.

Now, my Child, I have heard your Speech, you spoke first, but it is my Time to speak now. Where is my Wampum that you took away, with the Marks of Towns in it? This Wampum I do not know, which you have discharged me off the Land with; but you need not put yourself to the Trouble of Speaking, for I will not hear you; I am not afraid of Flies, or Mosquitos, for Indians are such as those; I tell you, down that River I will go, and will build upon it, according to my Command; if the River was backed up, I have Forces sufficient to burst it open, and tread under my Feet all that stand in Opposition, together with their Alliances; for my Force is as the Sand upon the Sea Shore; Therefore, here is your Wampum, I fling it at you. Child, you talk foolish; you say this Land belongs to you, but there is not the Back of my Nail yours; I saw that Land sooner than you did, before the Shannoahs and you were at War; Lead was the Man that went down, and took Possession of that River; It is my Land, and I will have it, let who will stand up for, or say against it. I'll buy and sell with the Englaish (mocking). If People will be ruled by me, they may expect Kindness, but not else.
The Half King told me he enquired of the General after two Englishmen that were made Prisoners, and received this Answer.
Child, You think it is a very great Hardship that I made Prisoners of those two People at Venango, don't you concern yourself with it, we took and carried them to Canada, to get Intelligence of what the English were doing in Virginia.
He informed me that they had built two Forts, one on Lake Erie, and another on French Creek, near a small Lake about 15 Miles asunder, and a large Wagogon Road Between; they are both built after the same Model, but different in the Size; that on the Lake the largest; he gave me a Plan of them, of his own drawing.
The Indians enquired very particularly after their Brothers in Carolina Goal.
They also asked what sort of a Boy it was that was taken from the South Branch; for they had, by some Indians, heard that a Party of French Indians had carried a white Boy by the Caseusea Town, Towards the Lakes.
26th, We met in Council at the Long-House about 9 o'Clock, where I spoke to them as fellows.
Brothers, I have called you together in Council, by Order of your Brother the Governor of Virginia, to acquaint you that I am sent, with all possible Dispatch, to visit, and deliver a Letter to the French Commandant, of very great Importance to your Brothers the English; and I dare say, to you their Friends and Allies.
I was destined, brothers, by your brother, the governor, to call upon you, the sachems of the nations, to inform you of it, and to ask your advice and assistance to proceed the nearest and best road to the French, You see, brothers, I have gotten this far on my Journey.
His Honor likewise desired me to apply to you for some of your young men to conduct and provide provisions for us on our way, and be a safeguard against those French Indians who have taken up the hatchet against us. I have spoken thus particularly to you, brothers, because his Honor, our governor, treats you as good friends and allies, and holds you in great esteem. To confirm what I have said, I give you this string of wampum.
After they had considered for some time on the above discourse, the Half-King got up, and spoke:
'Now, my brother, in regard to what my brother, the governor, had desired of me, I return you this answer:
'I rely upon you as a brother ought to do, as you say we are brothers and one people. We shall put heart in hand and speak to our fathers, the French, concerning the speech they made to me, and you may depend that we will endeavor to be your guard.
'Brother, as you have asked my advice, I hope you will be ruled by it, and stay until I can provide a company to go with you. The French speech-belt is not here; I have to go for it to my Hunting-Cabin. Likewise, the people whom I have ordered in are not yet come, and cannot until the third night from this; until which time, brother, I must beg you to stay.
'I intend to send a Guard of Mingoes, Shannoahs, and Delawares, that our brothers may see the love and loyalty we bear them.'
As I had orders to make all possible Dispatch, and waiting here was very contrary to my inclination, I thanked him in the most suitable manner I could, and told him that my business required the greatest expedition, and would not admit of that delay: He was not well pleased that I should offer to go before the Time he had appointed, and told me that he could not consent to our going without a Guard, for Fear some Accident should befall us, and draw a Relexion upon him; besides, says he, this is a Matter of no small Moment, and must not be entered into without due Consideration; for now I intend to deliver up the French Speech-Belt, and make the Shannoahs and Delawares do the same: And accordingly he gave Orders to King Shingiss, who was present, to attend on Wednesday Night with the Wampum, and two Men of their Nation to be in Readiness to set out with next Morning. As I found it was impossible to get off without affronting them in the most egregious Manner, I consented to stay.
I gave them back a String of Wampum that I met with at Frazier's, which they had sent with a Speech to his Honour the Governour, to inform him, that three Nations of French Indians , viz. Chippeways, Ottoways, and Orundacks, had taken up the Hatchet against the English, and desired them to repeat it over again, which they postponed doing till they met in full Council with the Shannoahs and Delaware Chiefs.
27th, Runners were dispatched very early for the Shannoah Chiefs, the Half King set out himself to fetch the French Speech-Belt from his Hunting-Cabbin.
28th, He returned this Evening, and came with Monacatoocha, and two other Sachems to my Tent; and begged (as they had complied with his Honour the Governor's Request, in providing Men, Etc.) to know on what Business we were going to the French. This was a Question I all along expected, and had provided as satisfactory Answers to, as I could, and which allayed their Curiosity a little.
Monacatoocha informed me, that an Indian from Venango brought News, a few Days ago, that the French had called all the Mingos, Delawares &c together at that Place, and told them that they intended to have been down the River this Fall, but the Waters were growing cold, and the Winter advancing, which obliged them to go into Quarters: But they might assuredly expect them in the Spring, with a far greater Number; and desired that they might be quite passive, and apt to intermeddle, unless they has a Mind to draw all their Force upon them, for that they expected to fight the English three Years, (as they supposed there would be some Attempts made to stop them) in which Time they should conquer, but if they should prove equally strong, that they and the English would join to cut them all off, and divide the land between them; that tho' they had lost their General, and some few of their Soldiers, yet there were Men enough to reinforce them, and make them Masters of the Ohio.
This Speech, he said, was delivered to them by one Captain Joncaire their Interpreter in Chief, living at Venango, and a Man of Note in the Army.
29th, The Half-King and Monacatoocha came very early, and begged me to stay one Day more, for notwithstanding they had used all the Diligence in their Power, the Shannoah Chiefs had not brought the Wampum they ordered, but would certainly be in Tonight; if not, they would delay me no longer, but would send it after us as soon as soon as they arrived; When I found them so pressing in their Request, and knew that returning of Wampum was the abolishing of Agreements; and giving this up, was shaking off all Dependence upon the French, I consented to stay, as I believe an Offence offered at this Crisis, might be attended with greater ill Consequence, Than another Day's Delay. They also informed me that Shingiss could not get in his Men, and was prevented from coming himself by his Wife's Sickness, (I believe, by Fear of the French) but that the Wampum of that Nation was lodged with Custaloga, one of their Chiefs at Venango. In the Evening late they came again and acquainted me that the Shannoahs were not yet come, but it should not retard the Prosecution of our Journey. He delivered in my Hearing the Speeched that were to be made to the French by Jeskakake, one of their Old Chiefs, which was giving up the Belt the late Commandant had asked for, and repeating near the same Speech he himself had done before.
He also delivered a string of Wampum to this Chief, which was sent by King Shingiss, to be given to Casalega, with Orders to repair to the French, and deliver up the Wampum.
He likewise gave a very large String of black and white Wampum, which was to be sent up immediately to the Six Nations, if the French refused to quit the Land at this Warning; which was the third and last Time, and was the Right of this Jeskakuke to deliver.
30th, Last Night the great Men assembled to their Council-House, to consult further about this Journey, and who were to go; the Result of which was, that only three of their Chiefs, with one of their best Hunters, should be our Convoy; The Reason which they gave for not sending more, after what had been proposed at Council the 26th, was, that a greater Number might give the French Suspicions of some bad Design, and cause them to be treated rudely: But I rather think they could not get their Hunters in.
We set out about 9 o'Clock with the Half-King, Jeskakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter, and travelled on the road to Venango, where we arrived the 4th of December, without any Thing remarkable happening but a continued Series of bad weather.
This is an old Indian Town, situated at the Mouth of French Creek on Ohio, and lies near N. about 60 Miles from Logg-Town, but more than 70 the Way we were obliged to go.
We found the French colours hoisted at a House which they drove Mr. John Frazier, an English Subject, from; I immediately repaired to it, to know where the Commander resided. There were three Officers, one of whom, Capt. Joncaire informed me, that he had the Command of ther Ohio, but that there was a General Officer at the near Fort, which he advised me to for an Answer. He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest Complaisance.
The Wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the Restraint which at first appear'd in their Conversation, and gave a Licence to their Tongues to reveal their Sentiments more freely.
They told me, That it was their absolute Design to take Possession of the Ohio, and by G — they would do it; for that they were sensible the English could raise two Men for their one; yet they knew, their Motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any Undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted Right to the River, from a Discovery made by one LaSalle 60 Years ago; and the Rise of this expedition is, to prevent our Settling on the River or Waters of it, as they have heard of some Families moving out in Order thereto. From the best Intelligence I could get, there have been 1500 Men on this side Ontario Lake, but upon the death of the General all were recalled to about 6 or 700, who were left to garrison four Forts, 150 or thereabouts in each, the first of which is on French Creek, near a small Lake, about 60 miles from Venango, near N.N.W. the next lies on Lake Erie, where the greatest part of their Stores are kept, about 15 Miles from the other; from that it is 120 Miles to the carrying Place, at the Falls of Lake Erie, where there is a small Fort which they lodge their goods at, in bringing them in from Montreal, the Place that all their Stores come from: The next Fort lies about 20 Miles from this, on Ontario Lake; between this Fort and Montreal there are three others, the first of which is near opposite to the English Fort Oswego. From the Fort on Lake Erie to Montreal is about 600 Miles, which they say requires no more, if good Weather, than four Weeks Voyage, if they go in Barks or large Vessels, that they can cross the Lake; but if they come in Canoes it will require 5 or 6 Weeks, for they are oblig'd to keep under the Shore.
5th, Rain'd excessively all Day, which prevented our Travelling. Capt. Joncaire sent for the Half King, as he had but just heard that he came with me: He affected to be much concern'd that I did not make free to bring them in before; I excused it in the best Manner I was capable, and told him I did not think their Company agreeable as I heard him say a good deal in Dispraise of Indians in general; but another Motive prevents me from bringing them iinto his Company; I knew he was Interpreter, and a Person of very great Influence among the Indians and had lately used all possible Means to draw them over to their Interest; therefore I was desirous of giving no Opportunity that could be avoided.
When the came in, there was great Pleasure express'd at seeing them; he wonder'd how they could be so near without coming to visit him, made several trifling Presents, and applied Liquor so fast, that they were soon render'd incapable of the Business they came about, notwithstanding the Caution that was given.
6th, The Half-King came to my Tent, quite sober, and insisted very much that I should stay and hear what he had to say to the French; I would have prevented his speaking any Thing, 'till he came to the Commandant, but could not prevail: He told me, that at this Place, a Council Fire was kindled, where all their Business with the People was to be transacted, and that the Management of the Indian Affairs was left solely to Capt. Joncaire. As I was desirous of knowing the issues of this, I agreed to stay, but sent our Horses a little Way up French Creek, to refresh and encamp, which I knew would make it near Night.
About 10 o'Clock they met in Council; the King spoke much the same as he had before done to the General, and offer'd French Speech Belt which had before been demanded with the Marks of four Towns on it, which Monsieur Joncaire refused to receive; but desired him to carry it to the Fort to the Commander.
7th, Monsieur La Force, Commissary of the French Stores, and three other Soldiers, came over to accompany us up. We found it extremely difficult getting the Indians off Today, as every Stratagem had been used to prevent their going up with me; I had last Night left John Davison (the Indian Interpreter that I brought from the Logg Town with me) strictly charg'd not to be out of their Company, as I could not get them over to my Tent (they having some Business with Custaloga, to know the reason why he did not deliver up the French Belt which he had in Keeping) but was obliged to send Mr. Gist over Today to fetch them, which he did with great Persuasion.
At 11 o'Clock we set out for the Fort, and were prevented from arriving there 'till the 11th by excessive Rains, Snows, and bad Travelling, through many Mires and Swamps, which we were obliged to pass, to avoid crossing the Creek, which was impossible, either by fording or rafting, the Water was so high and rapid.
We passed over much good Land since we left Venango, and through several extensive and very rich Meadows; one of which I believe was near four Miles in Length, and considerably wide in some Places.
12th. I prepar'd early to wait upon the Commander, and was received and conducted to him by the second Officer in Command; I acquainted him with my Business, and offer'd my Commission and Letter, both of which he desired me to keep 'til the arrival of Monsieur Riparti, Captain at the next Fort, who was sent for and expected every Hour.
This Commander is a Knight of the Military Order of St. Louis, and named Legardeur de St. Piere. He is an elderly Gentleman, and has much the Air of a Soldier; he was sent over to take the Command, immediately upon the Death of the late General, and arrived here about seven Days before me.
At 2 o'Clock the Gentleman that was sent for arrived, when I offer'd the Letter, etc. again: which they receiv'd, and adjourn'd into a private Apartment for the Captain to translate, who understood a little English; after he had done it, the Commander desired I would walk in, and bring my interpreter to peruse and correct it, which I did.
13th, The chief Officers retired, to hold a Council of War, which gave me an opportunity of taking the Dimensions of the Fort, and making what Observations I could.
It is situated on the South, or West Fork of French Creek, near the Water, and is almost surrounded by the Creek, and a small Branch of it which forms a Kind of an island; four houses compose the sides; the Bastions are made of Piles driven into the Ground, and about 12 feet above, and sharp at Top, with Port Holes cut for Cannon and Loop Holes for the small Arms to fire through.. There are eight 6 lb. pieces mounted, two in each Bastion, and one Piece of four Pound before the Gate; in the Bastions are a Guard House, Chapel, Doctor's Lodging, and the Commander's private store, round which are laid Eight Forms for the Cannon and Men to stand on; There are several barracks without the Fort, for the Soldiers Dwelling, covered, some with Bark, and some with Boards, and made chiefly, such as Stables, Smith's Shop, Etc.
I could get no certain Account of the Number of Men here; but according to the best Judgment I could form, there are an hundred exclusive of Officers, of which there are many. I also gave Orders to the People that were with me, to take an exact Account of the Canoes that were hauled up to convey their Forces down in the Spring, which they did, and told 50 of Witch Bark, and 170 of Pine, besides many others that were blotk'd out, in Readiness to make.
14th, As the Snow increased very fast, and our Horses daily became weaker, I sent them off unloaded, under the Care of Barnaby Currin and two others to make all convenient Dispatch to Venango, and there-- at our Arrival if there was a Prospect of the Rivers freezing, if not, then to continue down to Shawnee's Town, at the Forks of Ohio, and there to wait 'til we came to cross Allegany, intending myself to go down by Water, as I had the Offer of a Canoe or two.
As I found many Plots concerted the Indians Business, and prevent their returning with me; I endeavor'd all that lay in my Power to frustrate their scheme, and hurry them on to execute their intended Design; they accordingly pressed for Admittance this Evening, which at length was granted them, privately, with the Commander and one or two other Officers: The Half-King told me, that he offered the Wampum to the Commander, who evaded taking it, and made many fair Promises of Love and Friendship: said he wanted to live in Peace, and trade amicably with them, as a Proff of which he would send some Goods immediately down to the Loggs Town for them; but I rather think the Design of that is, to being away all our struggling Trades they meet with, as I privately understood they intended to carry an Officer, Etc., with them: and what rather confirms this Opinion, I was enquiring of the Commander, by what Authority he had made Prisoners of several of our English subjects; he told me that the Country belong'd to them, that no Englishman had a Right to trade upon those Waters; and that he had Orders to make every Person Prisoner that attempted it on the Ohio, or the Waters of it.
I enquir'd of Capt. Riparti about the Boy that was carried by, as it was done while the Command devolved on him, between the Death of the late General, and the Arrival of the present; he acknowledged, that a Boy had been carried past, and that the Indians had two or three white Mens Scalps. (I was told by some of the Indians at Venango Eight) but pretended to have forgot the Name of the Place that the Boy came from, and all the particulars, though he question'd him for some Hours, as they were carrying him past: I likewise enquired what they had done with John Forster and James MacClachlan, two Pennsylvania Traders, whom they had taken, with all their Goods. They told me, that they had been sen to Canada, but were now returned Home.
This Evening I received an Answer to his Honour the Governor's Letter from the Commandant.
15th, The Commandant ordered a plentiful Store of Liquor, Provision, Etc. to be put on board our Canoe, and appeared to be extremely compliant, though he was exerting every Artifice that he could invent to set our own Indians at Variance with us, to prevent their going 'til after our Departure: Presents, Rewards, and every Thing that could be suggested by him or his Officers — I can't say that ever in my life I suffer'd so much Anxiety as I did in this Affair; I saw that every Strategem that the most fruitful Brain could invent, was practic'd, to win the Half-King to their Interest, and that leaving Him here was giving them the Opportunity they aimed at. — I went to the Half-King, and press'd him in the strongest Terms to go: He told me the Commandant would not discharge him 'til the morning. I them went to the Commandant, and desired him to do their Business, and complained of ill treatment: for keeping them, as they were Part of my Company, was detaining me: which he promised not to do, but to forward my journey as much as he could: He protested he did not keep them, but was ignorant of the Cause of their Stay; though I soon found it out: — He had promised them a Present of Guns, Etc. if they would wait 'til the Morning.
As I was very much press'd, by the Indians, to wait this Day for them, I Consented, on a Promise, That nothing should hinder them in the Morning.
16th, The French were not slack in their Inventions to keep the Indians this Day also; but as they were obligated, according to Promise, to give the Present, they then endeavored to try the Power of Liquor, which I doubt not would have prevailed at any other Time than this, but I urged and insisted with the King so closely upon his Word, that he refrained, and set off with us as he had engaged.
We had a tedious and very fatiguing Portage down the Creek, several Times we had like to have been staved against Rocks, and many Times were obliged all Hands to get out and remain in the Water Half an Hour or more, getting over the Shoals; at one Place the ice had lodged and made it impassable by Water; therefore we were obliged to carry our Canoe across a Neck of Land, a Quarter of a Mile over. We did not reach Venango, till the 22nd, where we met with our Horses.
This Creek is extremely crooked, I dare say the Distance between the Fort and Venango can't be less than 130 Miles, to follow the Meanders.
23rd, When I got Things ready to set off, I sent for the Half-King, to know whether he intended to go with us, or by Water, he told me that White Thunder had hurt himself much, and was sick and unable to walk, therefore he was obliged to carry him down in a Canoe: As I found he intended to stay here a Day or two, and know that Monsieur Joncaire would employ every scheme to set him against the English as he had before done; I told him I hoped he would guard against his Flattery, and let no fine Speeches influence him in their Favour: He desired I might not be concerned, for he knew the French too well, for any Thing to engage him in their Behalf; and though he could not go down with us, he would endeavor to meet at the Forks with Joseph Campbell, to deliver a Speech for me to carry to his Honour the Governer. He told me he would order the young Hunter to attend us, and get Provision, Etc. if wanted.
Our Horses were now so weak and feeble, and the Baggage heavy, as we were obliged to provide all the Necessaries that the Journey would require; that we doubted much their performing it; therefore myself and others (except the Drivers which were obliged to ride) gave up our Horses for Packs, to assist along with the Baggage; I put myself in an Indian Dress, and continued with them three Days, 'til I found there was no Probability of their getting in, in any reasonable Time; the Horse grew less able to travel every Day; the Cold increased very fast, and the Roads were becoming much worse by a depp Snow, continually freezing; and as I was uneasy to get back, to make Report of my Proceedings to his Honor the Governor, I determined to prosecute my Journey the nearest Way through the Woods, on Foot.
Accordingly I left Mr. Van Braam in charge of our Baggage, with Money and Directions, to provide Necessaries from Place to Place for themselves and Horses, and to make the most convenient Dispatch in.
I took my necessary Papers, pulled off my Clothes, tied myself up in a Match Coat, and with my Pack at my Back with my Papers and Provisions in it, and a Gun, set out with Mr. Gist, fitted to the same Manner, on Wednesday the 26th. The Day following, just after we had passed a Place called the Murdering Town, where we intended to quit the Path, and steer across the Country for Shannopins Town, we fell in with a Party of French Indians, who had lain in wait for us; one of them fired at Mr. Gist or me, not 15 Steps, but fortunately missed. We took this Fellow into Custody, and kept him till about 9 o'Clock at Night, and then let him go, and walked all the remaining Part of the Night without making any Stop, that we might get the Start so far, as to be out of the Reach of their Pursuit the next Day, as we were well assured they would follow our Track as soon as it was light: The next Day we continued travelling till quite dark, and go to the River about 2 Miles above Shannapins; we expected to have found the River frozen, but it was not, only about 50 Yards from each Shore; the Ice I suppose had broke up above, for it was driving in vast Quantities.
There was no Way for getting over but on a Raft, which we set about, with but one poor Hatcher, and got finished just after Sun setting, after a whole Day's Work; we got it launched, and on board of it, and set off; but before we were half Way over, we were jammed in the Ice in such a Manner that we expected every Moment our Raft to sink, and ourselves to perish: I put out my setting Pole to try to stop the Raft, that the Ice might pass by, when the Rapidity of the Stream threw it with so much Violence against the Pole, that it jirked me out into 10 Feet Water, but I fortunately saved myself by catching hold of one of the Raft Logs; notwithstanding all our Efforts we could not get the Raft to either Shore, but were obliged, as we were near an Island, to quit our Raft and make to it.
The Cold was so extremely severe, that Mr. Gist had all his Fingers, and some of his Toes frozen, and the Water was shut up so hard, that we found no Difficulty in getting off the Island on the Ice in the Morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met here with 20 Warriors, who were going to the Southward to War, but coming to a Place upon the Head of the Great Cunnaway, where they found 7 People killed and scalped, all but one woman with very light Hair, they turned about and ran back, for Fear the Inhabitants should rise and take them as the Authors of the Murder: They report that the People were lying about the House, and some of them much torn and eaten by Hogs; by the Marks that were left, they say they were French Indians of the Ottaway Nation, Etc. that did it.
As we intended to take Horse here, and it required some Time to find them, I went up about 8 miles to the Mouth of Youghiogheny to visit Queen Aliquippa, who had expressed great concern that we pressed her in going to the Fort. I made her a Present of a Match coat and a bottle of Rum, which later was thought much the best Present of the two.
Tuesday the 1st Day of January, we left Mr. Frazier's House, and arrived at Mr. Gist's at Monongahela the 2d, where I bought Horse, Saddle, Etc. The 6th we met 17 Horses loaded with Materials and Stores for a Fort at the Forks of Ohio,, and the Day after some Families going out to settle. This Day we arrived at Wills Creek, after as fatiguing a Journey as it is possible to conceive, rendered so by excessive bad Weather; From the first Day of December to the 15th, there was but one Day but it rained or snowed incessantly; and throughout the whole Journey we met with nothing but one continued Series of cold wet Weather, which occasioned very uncomfortable Lodgings, especially after we had left our Tent which was some Screen from the inclemency of it.
On the 11th I got to Belvoir where I stopped one Day to take necessary Rest, and then set out and arrived in Williamsburg the 16th, and waited upon his Honour the Governour with the Letter I had brought from the French Commandant, and to give an Account of the Proceedings of my Journey, which I beg Leave to do by offering the foregoing, as it contains the most remarkable Occurrences that happened to me.
I hope it will be sufficient to satisy your Honour with my Proceedings; for that was my Aim in undertaking the Journey, and chief Study throughout the Prosecution of it.
Witht the Hope of doing it, with infinite Pleasure, subscribe myself,
Your Honour's most Obedient, And very humble Servant,
G. WASHINGTON

Source: The Maryland Gazette, March 21, 1754 and March 28, 1754.

Treaties Defining the Boundaries Separating English and Native American Territories

2008-04-16T10:38:00.001-05:00

1677 - Treaty of Middle Plantation (defined Pamunkey and Mattoponi reservations and the annual quitrent requirement of "twentie beaver skinns")
1679 - Albany Conference (permitted Iroquois to hunt and travel trough Manahoac lands, blocked Algonquian tribes in Tidewater from Piedmont)
1684 - Albany treaty signed by Lord Howard (blocked English settlement in Iroquois-controlled Piedmont, restricting Northern Virginia occupation to Tidewater area)
1722 - Treaty of Albany (restricted Iroquois to west of the Blue Ridge)
1744 - Treaty of Lancaster (Iroquois sold Virginia their claims of lands "to the setting sun," pushing them out of Shenandoah Valley to west of the Alleghenies)
1748 - Virginia and Pennnsylvania distribute gifts to Ohio River tribes at Logstown (part of competition with French traders)
1752 - Treaty of Logstown (limited Delaware and Shawnee claims south of the Ohio River)
1768 - Treaties of Fort Stanwix and Hard Labor
1770 - Treaty of Lochaber (ceding title to the lands north of the Ohio River to the English)
1775 - Treaty of Sycamore Shoals (limited Cherokee claims in far Southwestern Virginia)
1777 - Treaty of Long Island (limited Cherokee claims in far Southwestern Virginia)

Dictionary of 18th Century Herb Usage

2008-04-16T08:08:00.001-05:00

Doctors were few in Colonial America and very scarce on the frontier. Consequently people usually had to treat their own illnesses and accidents. A variety of herbal plants, some they brought with them from Europe and some native, were their primary source of medicinal relief. Many modern medicines in use today were originally derived from these plants, attesting to their effectiveness. What follows is only a very incomplete list of commonly used herbs.

BASIL
Chiefly used as flavoring when cooking. Used dried as snuff to relieve headaches and colds. Also used as a strewing herb. Basil is in the mint family, native to Africa, Asia, India and Iran. It was brought from Europe to America in the early 1600s and by 1774 was grown commercially in Virginia. Its clove like flavor made many foods more appetizing. Colonists used this herb, also called St. Joseph wort, in salads and soups, especially pea soup. Powered basil leaves were used as a snuff and thought to clear the head.

BEE BALM
Used for bee Stings. Bee Balm is a member of the mint family. It is native to North America but colonists soon sent seeds to Europe for their friends to plant and enjoy. Tea brewed from its leaves was called Oswego tea and was used as a substitute for china tea after the 1773 Boston Tea Party.

BURNET
Burnet or Salad Burnet was carried to New England by the Pilgrims. Its cucumber flavored leaves added zip to salads, casseroles and soups. It was put in wine to which it "yeeldeth a certaine grace in drinking".

CARAWAY
Caraway can be found cultivated and wild in the United States, Europe and Asia. Seeds were used in bread, cookies and other recipes, and as a flavoring in cordials. The boiled roots of caraway were eaten by native Americans and recommended for those with a cold, weak stomach. A tasty tea can be made by steeping 2 tbsp of caraway seed in 2 cups of boiling water for 10 minutes and then sweetening with honey.

CHAMOMILE
Infused as a tea for indigestion and gas. Strewing herb and insect repellent.

COMFREY
Early leaves in salads. Used medicinally as a poultice to heal wounds and reduce swelling.

CORIANDER
Coriander is an annual in the parsley family. It has become naturalized in this country, but is a native of southern Europe and Asia Minor. Colonists employed this spice in breads, desserts and pickles. The seeds were chewed as a breath freshener. Early distillers used oil of coriander in flavoring some whiskeys.

DILL
Used in salads and for cooking. Dill was used to flavor soups, salads, breads, stew, fish, potatoes, sauces, pickles and gin.

ELECAMPANE
To treat skin diseases in sheep and horses. Also as a diuretic and for coughs.

FENNEL
Fennel leaves were used in salads, stews and vegetables. The seeds were used in pies and other baked fruits as well as breads.

FEVERFEW
For "female hysteria," melancholia and constipation.

GARLIC CHIVES
Culinary uses as a flavoring.

GERMANDER
For gout, rheumatism, fever and melancholy.

HOREHOUND
Used to make a cough syrup. Often used with honey and other herbs. Mixed with plaintain for snakebites. Soaked in fresh milk to repel flies. The leaves are used for flavoring beer, cough drops, honey and for making tea. Leaves should be gathered just before the flowers open. To make candy, steep two heaping teaspoons of dried horehound in one-cup water for half an hour. Strain. Put the leaves in a cloth and press or twist to get the remaining flavor. Add 3 ½ pounds of brown sugar to the water and boil until it reaches the ball stage. Pour into flat, well-greased pans ad mark into sticks or squares with a knife. You can adjust the taste by adding more tea.

HYSSOP
Strew on the floor to prevent the spread of infection. Also used to treat respiratory illnesses.

LADY"S MANTLE
"A women’s best friend."

LAVENDER
Strewing herb and insect repellent.

LEMON BALM
Infused as a tea for headaches, indigestion, nausea. Distilled as a treatment to clean and heal wounds.

LOVAGE
Similar to celery in taste, used in similar manner. Also used to treat kidney stones.

MARJORAM
Used in cooking. Also to cure insomnia, nasal congestion and loss of appetite. Sweet Marjoram was used to flavor stews and soups.

PARSLEY
Culinary uses. Seeds used as a diuretic.

PEPPERMINT
Breath freshener. Leaves infused as a tea. Peppermint was also introduced early to the United States. It also went wild. However, since it prefers wetter land, it is not as prevalent as spearmint. Peppermint leaves were chewed to sweeten the breath. Peppermint oil was used to flavor tea, foods, crème de menthe and medicine.

PENNYROYAL
Strewing herb. Flea and mosquito repellent.

PLAINTAIN
Used in salads. As a poultice to heal wounds and the seeds to prevent miscarriage.

QUEEN ANNE’S LACEAs a diuretic and for kidney stones. Seeds used as a method of birth control.

ROSE HIPS
These are the round red fruits formed from the flowers of the wild rose. It is the seedpod of the plant. Tea can be brewed from the hips, or they may also be dried. It is best to gather rose hips in late fall after the first frost when they are bright red. To make rose hip tea, boil dried rose hips with water – the longer it boils, the stronger the tea. Sweeten with brown sugar.

ROSEMARY
Oil used as a rub for sore muscles. promotes liver functions. Culinary uses.

RUE
Externally to cure warts, ringworm and poisonous bites. Internally as a treatment for colic and epilepsy. Decocted for earaches.

SAGE
Culinary uses as a flavoring for pork, sausage and poultry. Medically in combination with other herbs for headaches. Decocted and as a mouthwash for sore throats and infected gums.

SORREL
For vinegars and as a pot vegetable. As a poultice for infected wounds. To remove stains from linen.

SPEARMINT
Spearmint was brought to the United States by some of the earliest immigrants. By 1672 it was growing wild. Spearmint leaves were used to make tea, jellies and sauces. The leaves were sugared and mixed with sugared leaves of rose and wild violet to make a candy.

ST. JOHN’S WORT
The leaves to treat burns and wounds. The flowers as a tincture for melancholy.
STINGING NETTLESEarly spring leaves used in salads. A mixture of the seeds, bayberries, gunpowder and honey for rheumatism. Leaves used to line cheese press, and dried as chicken feed.

TANSY
Seed as a vermifuge for children. Root used to treat gout.

TARRAGON
Used in salads and to flavor foods.

THYME
Culinary use as a flavoring. Medicinally for toothaches, gout, headaches, and to cure nightmares. Used as an antiseptic. Thyme was brought from Europe by the earliest settlers. Sprigs of thyme were placed on lard and butter to keep them from becoming rancid. It was used to flavor soups, stews, meat, cheese and egg dishes, seafood and vegetables.

YARROW
Leaves can be chewed for toothaches.

Coming to America

2008-01-08T13:16:00.000-06:00

Scottish Immigration to the American Colonies, 1772

British Customs Report: Socttish Immigrants Reasongs for Emigration, 1772

John Catanoch, aged fifty years, by trade a farmer, married, hath 4 children from 19 to 7 years old; resided last at Chabster in the parish of Rae in the county of Caithness, upon the estate of Mr. Alexander Nicolson, minister at Thurso, intends to go to Wilmington, North Carolina; left his own country because crops failed, bread became dear, the rents of his possession were raised from two to five pounds sterling; besides his pasture or common grounds were taken up by placing new tenants thereon, especially the grounds adjacent to his farm, which were the only grounds on which his cattle pastured. That this method of parking and placing tenants on the pasture grounds rendered his farm useless; his cattle died for want of grass, and his corn farm was unfit to support his family after paying the extravagant tack duty. That beside the rise of rents and scarcity of bread, the landlord exacted arbitrary and oppressive services, such as obliging the declarant to labor up his ground, cart, win, lead and stack his peats; mow, win and lead his hay, and cut his corn and lead it in the yard, which took up about 30 or 40 days of his servants and horses each year, without the least acknowledgment for it, and without victuals, save the men that mowed the hay who got their dinner only. That he was induced to emigrate by advices received from his friends in America; that provisions are extremely plenty and cheap, and the price of labour very high, so that people who are temperate and laborious have every chance of bettering their circumstances. Adds that the price of bread in the country he hath left is greatly enhanced by distilling, that being for so long a time so scarce and dear, and the price of cattle at the same time reduced full one half while the rents of lands have been raised nearly in the same proportion, all the smaller farms must inevitably be ruined.
Elizabeth McDonald, aged 29, unmarried, servant to James Duncan in Mointle in the parish of Farr in the county of Sutherland; intends to go to Wilmington in North Carolina, left her own country because several of her friends having gone to Carolina before her, had assured her that she would get much better service and greater encouragement in Carolina than in her own country.
John McBeath, aged 37, by trade a farmer and shoemaker, married; hath 5 children from 13 years to 9 months old. Resided last in Mault in the parish of Kildorman in the county of Sutherland, upon the estate of Sutherland. Intends to go to Wilmington in North Carolina; left his own country because crops failed, he lost his cattle, the rent of his possession was raised, and bread had been long dear; he could get no employment at home whereby he could support himself and family, being unable to buy bread at the prices the factors on the estate of Sutherland and neighbouring estates exacted from him. That he was encouraged to emigrate by the accounts received from his own and his wife's friends already in America, assuring him that he would procure comfortable subsistence in that country for his wife and children, and that the price of labour was very high. He also assigns for the cause of bread being dear in his country that it is owing to the great quantities of corn consumed in brewing risquebah [whiskey].

Source:
North Carolina Historical Review 11 (1934), pp. 131-132.

Part of Abraham Wood's Letter Describing Needham & Arthur's Adventure With the Cherokee

2007-08-21T14:39:00.000-05:00

To my Honoured Friend, Mr. Richards in London, present.
That I have been at your charge to the value of two hundred pounds sterling in the discovery of the south or west sea Declaro;. . .
About the 10th of April, 1673, I sent out two Englishmen and eight Indians with accommodations for three months, but by misfortune and unwillingness of the Indians before the mountains that any should discover beyond them, my people returned affecting little, to be short. On the 17th of May, 1673, I sent them out again, with a like number of Indians and four horses. About the 25th of June they met with the Tomahittans as they were journeying from the mountains to the Occhonechees. . . .
They journeyed nine days from Occhonechee to Sitteree, west and by south, past nine rivers and creeks which all end in this side the mountains and empty themselves into the east sea. Sitteree being the last town of inhabitance and not any path further until they came within two days’ journey of the Tomahittans. They travel from thence up the mountains upon the sun setting all the way, and in four days get to the top, sometimes leading their horses sometimes riding. The ridge upon the top is not above two hundred paces over; the descent better than on this side. In half a day they came to the foot, and then level ground all the way, many slashes upon the heads of small runs. The slashes are full of very great canes and the water runs to the northwest. They pass five rivers and about two hundred paces over the fifth being the middle most half a mile broad all sandy bottoms, with pebble stones, all fordable and all empty themselves northwest, when they travel upon the plains, from the mountains they go down, for several days they see straggly hills on their right hand, as they judge two days journey from them. By this time they have lost all their horses but one, not so much by the badness of the way as by hard travel, not having time to feed. When they lost sight of those hills they see a fog or smoke like a cloud from whence rain falls for several days on their right hand as they travel still towards the sun setting great store of game, all along as turkeys, deer, elk, bear, wolf, and other vermin very tame. At the end of fifteen days from Sitteree they arrive at the Tomahittan’s river, being the sixth river from the mountains. This river at the Tomahittan’s town seems to run more westerly than the other five. This river they passed in canoes the town being seated in the other side about four hundred paces broad above the town, within sight, the horse they had left waded only a small channel swam, as they were very kindly entertained by them, even to adoration in their ceremonies of courtesies and a stake was set up in the middle of the town to fasten the horse to, and abundance of corn and all manner of pulse with fish, flesh, and bear’s oil for the horse to feed upon and a scaffold set up before day for my two men and Appomattock Indian that their people might stand and gaze at them and not offend them by their throng.
This town is seated on the river side, having the cliffs of the river on the one side being very high for its defence, the other three sides trees of two foot over, pitched on end, twelve feet high, and on the tops scaffolds placed with parapets to defend the walls and offend their enemies which men stand on to fight. Many nations of Indians inhabit down this river, which runs west upon the salts which they are at war with and to that end keep one hundred and fifty canoes under the command of their fort. The least of them will carry twenty men, and made sharp at both ends like a wherry for swiftness. This fort is four square, 300 paces over, and the houses set in streets. Many horns like bulls’ horns lay upon their dunghills. Store of fish they have, one sort they have like unto stockfish cured after that manner.
Eight days’ journey down this river lives a white people who have long beards and whiskers and wear clothing, and on some of the other rivers live a hairy people. Not many years since the Tomahittans sent twenty men laden with beaver to the white people. They killed ten of them and put the other ten in irons, two of which ten escaped and one of them came with one of my men to my plantation as you will understand.
After a small time of rest one of my men returns with his horse, the Appomatock Indian and 12 Tomahittans, eight men and four women. One of those eight is he which hath been a prisoner with the white people. My other man remains with them until the next return to learn the language. The 10th of September my man with his horse and the twelve Indians arrived at my house, praise be to God. The Tomahittans have about sixty guns. Not such locks as ours be, the steels are long and channelled where the flints strike. The prisoner relates that the white people have a bell which is six foot over which they ring morning and evening, and at that time a great number of people congregate together and talk he knows not what. They have many blacks among them, oysters and many other shellfish, many swine, and cattle. Their building is brick. The Tomahittans have among them many brass pots and kettles from three gallons to thirty. They have two mullato women. All the white and black people they take they put to death since their twenty men were barbarously handled.
After nine days rest, my man with the horse he brought home and the twelve Tomahittans began their journey the 20th of September intending, God blessing him, at the spring of the next year to return with his companion at which time, God sparing my life, I hope to give you and some other friends better satisfaction. All this I presented to the Grand Assembly of Virginia, but not so much as one word in answer or any encouragement or assistance given.
The good successes of the last journey by my men performed gave me great hopes of a good success in the latter for I never heard from nor anything after I employed Mr. James Needham past from Aeno, an Indian town two days’ journey beyond Occhonechee, in safety. But now begins the tragic scene of mishap. Upon the 27th of January following, I received a flying report by some Indians that my men were killed by the Tomahittans passing over their river as they were returning. Now daily came variable reports of their miscarriage. All Indians spoke darkly to hide the truth from being discovered for fear the guilt of the murder would be layed upon themselves. I sent another man out to inquire what might be found out of truth in the business, but before his return upon the 25th of February came one Henry Hatcher, an Englishman, to my house who had been at Occhonechee trading with those Indians, and tells me that my man I last sent out was stopped there by the Occhonechees from going any further until Hatcher pursuaded them to let my man pass, which they did accordingly. This Hatcher further told me that Mr. James Needham was certainly killed at his going out, but by whom he knew not, but as the Occhonechees said by the Tomahittans that went with him, but said Hatcher I saw the Occhonechee Indian known by the name of John, a fat thick bluff faced fellow, have Mr. James Needham’s pistols and gun in his hand, as the Indian himself told Hatcher.
This Indian John by his Indian name is called Hasecoll. Now you are to note that this Indian John was one that went with Mr. James Needham and my man Gabriel Arthur at the first to the Tomahittans and returned with Mr. James Needham to my house where he the said John received a reward to his content and agreed with me to go again with him. And endeavor his protection to the Tomahittans and to return with Mr. James Needham and my man to my house the next spring and to that end received half his pay in hand. The rest he was to receive at his return. My poor man Gabriel Arthur all this while captivated all this time in a strange land, where never Englishman before had set foot, in all likelihood either slain, or at least never likely to return to see the face of an Englishman. . . .
and shall again come to Mr. Needham, where we left him.
From Aeno he journeyed to Sarrah, with his companions the Tomahittans and John the Occhonechee accompanied with more of his countrymen which was to see the tragedy acted as I suppose, it happened as they passed Sarrah river. An Indian let his pack slip into the water. Whether on purpose or by chance I cannot judge. Upon this some words passed between Needham and the Indian. Occhonechee Indian John took up Mr. Needham very short in words and so continued scolding all day until they had passed the Yattken town and so over Yattken river. Not far from the river Mr. Needham alighted it not being far from the foot of the mountains, and there took up their quarters. Still, Indian John continued his wailing and threatening. Mr. Needham took up a hatchet which lay by him, having his sword by him threw the hatchet on the ground by Indian John and said what John are you minded to kill me. Indian John immediately catched up a gun, which he himself had carried to kill meat for them to eat, and shot Mr. Needham near the burr of the ear and killed him. Notwithstanding, all the Tomahittans started up to rescue Needham but Indian John was too quick for them.
So died this heroic Englishman whose fame shall never die if my pen were able to eternalize it which had adventured where never any Englishman had dared to attempt before and with him died one hundred forty-four pounds sterling of my adventure with him. I wish I could have saved his life with ten times the value. Now his companions the Tomahittans all fell a weeping and cried what shall we do now you have killed the Englishman. We shall be cut off by the English. Indian John drew out his knife, stepped across the corpse of Mr. Needham, ripped open his body, drew out his heart, held it up in his hand, and turned and looked to the eastward, toward the English plantations and said he valued not all the English. The Tomahittans replied, how dare you do this, we are all afraid of the English. Indian John replied he was paid for what he had done and had received his reward, and then laid a command upon the Tomahittans that they should dispatch and kill the Englishman which Needham had left at the Tomahittans, and immediately opened the packs, took what goods he pleased, so much as Needham’s horse could carry, and so returned back.
Now we return to my man Gabriel Arthur. The Tomahittans hastened home as fast as they can to tell the news. The King or chief man not being at home, some of the Tomahittans who were great lovers of the Occhonechees went to put Indian John’s command in speedy execution and tied Gabriel Arthur to a stake and laid heaps of combustible canes about him to burn him. But before the fire was put to, the King came into the town with a gun upon his shoulder and hearing of the uproar for some were with it and some against it. The King ran with great speed to the place, and said who is that that is going to put fire to the Englishman. A Weesock born started up with a firebrand in his hand and said that am I. The King forthwith cocked his gun and shot the Weesock dead, and ran to Gabriel and with his knife cut the thongs that tied him and had him go to his house and said let me see who dares touch him. . . . [2]

The Real Pocahontas

2007-05-28T12:48:00.001-05:00

The Princess Wild
Pocahontas was not who you think she was; she was a whole lot more
By Lisa Moore LaRoe

Posted 1/21/07
Disney had it right about Pocahontas. She's a cartoon, a supernaturally endowed siren who loves and saves John Smith. At least that's what she's become—a two-dimensional figment of the imagination, refracted through the biases of history.
In reality, Pocahontas was just a child when she met Smith. They were friends, never lovers. And it's not likely that she threw herself on Smith to save him from having his brains bashed out. Some historians say the self-promotional Smith made up that tale, written about 15 years after he left Jamestown. Others say he just misinterpreted an adoption ceremony in which Pocahontas may have played a scripted part.
If the reason for fame is false, why should we care about her? Because the real Pocahontas was a dazzling young woman, complex, headstrong, and shrewd—a bridge between two different worlds who arguably became for Jamestown exactly what Smith claimed: "the instrument to preserve this colony from death."
"Only nonpareil." When she first met Smith, Pocahontas was a dark-eyed girl about age 11, with the unselfconscious energy of a child. Like other Indian children, she wore nothing at all. Her black hair was chopped short at the sides and hung in a braid down her back. Her tawny frame was muscled from years spent laboring and playing outdoors.
Smith and his countrymen marveled at the little sprite, described by colonist William Strachey as cartwheeling naked with the boys of the fort. Smith, at least 14 years her senior, wrote that for "feature, countenance, and proportion" as well as for "wit and spirit," Pocahontas was "the only nonpareil" of the land. It's harder to say what she thought of the pale strangers who planted a fort in her father's realm; she left no writings of her own. But to them she stood out not just for her exuberance but because she was a favorite daughter of Powhatan, the great Indian chief who controlled the colony's fate.
Born around 1596 as Amonute (later called Matoaka), she was one of scores of children sired by Powhatan, the husband of more than 100 wives. His savvy daughter must have learned that to keep her father's affection, she had to make him laugh. "People who met her did describe a sparkling personality," says anthropologist Helen Rountree. She believes that it may have been Powhatan who gave his girl the nickname Pocahontas, meaning "little wanton" or "little mischievous one."
A precocious girl who quickly learned some English, Pocahontas became an intermediary between Powhatan and the Jamestown foreigners. On her first visit to the fort, she helped negotiate a release of some Indian prisoners, her presence interpreted by the colonists as a sign from Powhatan that he trusted the strangers enough to send his beloved daughter as an emissary.
That trust soon unraveled. In the winter of 1608-09, starving colonists tried to coerce food from the Indians, and violence boiled. During this turmoil, Pocahontas reportedly risked her life by sneaking through the woods at night to warn Smith and his party of a deadly ambush planned by Powhatan. Smith wrote that Pocahontas's "compassionate" heart gave him "much cause to respect her."
After Powhatan moved his capital far from Jamestown, Pocahontas's contact with the colonists faded. In 1610, at about age 13 or 14, she married a Powhatan man named Kocoum. Did she have a child? Was she at peace with her life? The record is blank. But as the jewel of her powerful father, she made a tempting target.
Temptation turned into abduction. In April 1613, while visiting a tribe on the Potomac, Pocahontas was kidnapped by ship's captain Samuel Argall and told she'd be held hostage until her father returned some English prisoners and stolen weapons. One account described her as "exceeding pensive and discontented." Furious and fearful must be closer to the truth. Powhatan demanded kind treatment for his daughter, but a deadlock over ransom kept Pocahontas captive for a year.
Mesmerizing. Held first at Jamestown and then at the settlement of Henrico, Pocahontas was drilled in the English language and the Christian faith. Accustomed to wearing only a deerskin apron, working outdoors, and worshiping a host of deities, she was suddenly bound in a bodice, confined indoors, and force-fed the Bible. But like all survivors, she adapted—and mesmerized her captors.
One of them seems to have won her heart. Widower John Rolfe, a pious 28-year-old tobacco grower, became rapt with lust for Pocahontas. Claiming that he was not led by "the unbridled desire of carnal affection," Rolfe sought permission from Gov. Thomas Dale to marry the girl. He billed his plan as a noble quest "for the honor of our country ... and for the converting to the true knowledge of God and Jesus Christ an unbelieving creature."
As for Pocahontas, she apparently cared for Rolfe, who touted "her great appearance of love to me." Although a prisoner, she very likely also enjoyed her royal treatment among the English, who considered her a princess. Curious, she was intrigued by their culture, though not to the point of rejecting her own. And she was ultimately a pragmatist: The Indians and the colonists were at war. "She knew that if her people were to survive, they needed the English as allies, not as enemies," says Rutgers University historian Camilla Townsend.
In the standoff between Powhatan and the English, Pocahontas became both a pawn and a player. The English wanted bragging rights for converting to Christianity the daughter of an Indian "king." She held off on conversion until a 1614 truce sealed her release and led to a peace that helped Jamestown to flourish. Her role in that truce was arguably her greatest gift to the colony.
With the war over, and with her father's and Dale's consent, Pocahontas converted, was baptized with the name Rebecca, married Rolfe, and bore a son.
Lady Rebecca made great PR. To the Virginia Company, she was proof that the "heathens" could be Christianized. The company wanted to send her to London as a live advertisement for the corporation, which needed funds. Pocahontas (and her father) could also gain: Powhatan needed information about the size and wealth of the colonists' homeland. So in 1616, the Rolfes sailed for England.
There the couple made quite a splash. Pocahontas "carried herself as the daughter of a king and was accordingly respected," wrote observer Samuel Purchas. She met King James and briefly became a novelty among the elite, entertained "with festival state and pomp." She also ran into John Smith, quite a shock as she'd been told he was dead. He reports that she curtly turned her back, remained silent for hours, then rebuked him for disrespecting her and her father. (So much for the mythic love.)
The Rolfes boarded a ship for home in March 1617, but just before sailing from Gravesend, Pocahontas became ill with what may have been a lung ailment or a virulent form of dysentery. There Pocahontas died, barely 21 years old. Though she "wasn't a celebrity in her lifetime," says Rountree, her fame, with all its embellishments, would balloon in the centuries ahead.
If only Pocahontas could speak for herself.

The 1st Militia Roster of the Clinch River Area of Russell County, Va. in 1774

2007-05-16T13:51:00.000-05:00

THE FIRST MILITIA ROSTER OF THE CLINCH RIVER AREA OF RUSSELL COUNTY
By Emory L. Hamilton - 1978
In the Archives of the Virginia State Library is found one of the most interesting documents pertaining to the earliest settlers of the Clinch River Valley in what is now Russell, Scoot and Lee Counties, but then a part of Washington County.
It is page 229 and 230 of the Dunmore's War Records, and is a roster of 72 names of Militia soldiers under Captain William Russell. The roster is for the first pay period just prior to the outbreak of Dunmore's War in the fall of 1774.
While this document does not list everyone living in the area, it does give an insight into some of the very earliest settlers.
On the ensuing pages I have listed by number and name each of the Militiamen, with a brief biography of what I have been able to find pertaining to each man.
1. WILLIAM RUSSELL - He was Captain of Militia and lived near the present Castlewood High School. His first wife, Tabitha Adams Russell died there in 1776 and was buried there. Russell later married Elizabeth, the widow of General William Campbell and lived at Saltville. The second Mrs. Russell was a sister to Patrick Henry. At the outbreak of the Revolution, Russell became a general in the Continental Army. It was for him that Russell County was named.
2. HENRY MOORE - I know nothing of a Henry Moore. It is possible that this name was Henly Moore who was a militia sergeant and who was in command of Glade Hollow Fort in early 1774.
3. JAMES NAALE - This name should be James Naul who settled very early near Dungannon and was dead in 1777. On April 29, 1777, James Green was appointed administrator of his estate, Josiah Payne and Patrick Porter were the securities for Green.
4. JOHN SNODDY - This was Captain John Snoddy, born circa 1739 and who was a militia captain on the Clinch until his removal to Kentucky around 1780. He had married Margaret Walker, a daughter of John Walker who lived at the "sink" of Sinking Creek on a farm he called "Broad Meadows". Snoddy at one time owned Moore's Fort at Castlewood, which he sold prior to his removal to Kentuckyto Frederick Fraley. He was a brother-in-law to Patrick Porter, and the Cowan brothers, David, William and Samuel, all having married Walker sisters. John Snoddy died in Madison Co., Ky. in 1814, and should not be confused with an older John Snoddy who served on the Washington Co. Court who lived at Abingdon. The older Snoddy married Agnes Glasgow in Philadelphia in 1741 and moved to Tennessee where he died in 1786.
5. WILLIAM MOORE - William and Joseph Moore, two brothers came to Castlewood in 1769 and built Moore's Fort in 1774. About 1780 they left the Clinch and settled at Crab Orchard in Lincoln Co., Ky. where John Snoddy was with them. It has been stated that the Moore brothers, the previously mentioned Cowan brothers were brothers-in-law. If so, then the Moore's married Cowan sisters. All these people were originally Pennsylvanians coming to the are from Augusta County.
6. HENRY HAMLIN - Henry Hamlin came to Castlewood and settled in upper Castlewood, on the North side of Clinch River in 1769. He operated a mill there long before Bickley's Mill and the old foundation still stands on Mill Creek. His first wife, and some of his children were killed by iIndians in 1783. Later he moved to Rye Cove and married his second wife Mary "Molly" Blackmore Adams who had her first husband Jessee Adams and ten children massacred by the Indians on Stock Creek in 1782. Molly was the daughter of Joseph Blackmore and is said to have been killed also by Indians near Fort Blackmore in 1790, but I can find no proof for this. Henry Hamlin was born in 1740 and died in 1818. During the Revolutionary War he is reported to have been a Tory.
7. SAMUEL RITCHIE - Samuel was a son of Alexander Ritchie, Sr. who came from Henrico Co., Va., and settled at Gray's Island on the south side of Clinch River two miles down stream from Dungannon in the yar 1772. Their home ws "Rithie's Fort." Samuel Ritchie married Ann, the daughter of Patrick Porter and they separated in 1793. He owned two tracts of land on the south side of Clinch River settling upon one in 1775. He was a member of the first Court of Scott Co. and was a Justice of the Peace and active in the political life of Scott Co. for many years. His marriage to Ann Porter was never annulled, but he took Frances Kendrick as a common law wife and lived with her until death, which occurred on December 16, 1818. By Frances Kendrick he had one son and five daughters.
8. NATHAN BROWN
9. JOHN DUNCAN - John and his brother Rawley Duncan came from Culpepper Co., Va. and settled at Hunter's Ford (now Dungannon) in 1772. John was killed by the Indians at Moore's Fort in 1774. In 1780 his widow, who had remarried sold her land and left the area for Kentucky.
10. ANDREW KING
11. HENRY DICKENSON - Henry settled at Castlewood in the early 1770's and came from Prince Edward Co. He became the first Clerk of Russell Co. in 1786. He was at the battle of Kings Mountain. The first courthouse of Russell Co. became his home after the county was formed and still stands between Castlewood and Dickensonville which was named for him.
12. SAMUEL PORTER - Samuel Porter lived near Temple Hill Cemetery in Russell Co. He came from Pennsylvanie to Castlewood in 1769. He married asister of Captain John Dunkin and was a brother-in-law of Solomon Litton another early settler at Elk Garden. He left the Clinch along with the Dunkin, Litton, Laughlin and other families in 1779 and settled on Licking River near Ruddle's Station Kentucky. All these families in Ruddles and Martins Stations were captured in June of 1780 by the British and Indians. They were marched to Detroit and Montreal and held until peace was made at the end of the Revolution. They returned to their old homes in Virginia and never went back to Kentucky to claim their lands. Samuel Porter died at Castlewood in 1820.
13. JOHN CRANK - Little is known of John Crank. He was granted land in Washington Co., Va. for service in the French and Indian War under Col. William Byrd. He settled on a 400 acre tract of land on the north side of Moccasin Ridge in 1774. He also owned 250 acres on both sides of the North Fork of Holston River and 396 acres on Copper Ridge.
14. DAVID COWAN - David Cowan settled in 1769 in upper Castlewood. It was upon his land that the fort commonly called Russell's Fort was built in 1774. He was married to Jane, a daughter of John Wlker. Left the area after the Revolutionary War and probably settled in Tennessee.
15. MICHAEL OSCER - This man was really Michael Auxier, a family of French extraction, whose father Michael Auxier, Sr., died on Copper Creek in 1780. The name in early records is spelled "Oxer". Michael was a brother of the Simon Oxer who helped defend Russell's Fort against 17 Indians along with Henry Dickenson and Charles Bickley in 1783. Some members of this family moved to Floyd Co., Ky. There they became a prominent family and Auxier in Floyd Co. is named for them. There is a family tradition that Michael Auxier was scalped by the Indians while living on the Clinch and was ever afterwards called "Bald-headed Mike Auxier". His last home was on Kinniconick Creek in Lewis Co., Ky. A spring, known as "Oxer's Spring" at the foot of House and Barn Mountain may indicate that one of this family resided there.
16. WILLIAM RUSSELL, JR. - He was a son of Captain William Russel.
17. THOMAS JOHNSON - There may have been two men of this name in the area. This is probably the Thomas Johnson who married Fanny Dickenson Scott after her husband Archibald Scott and children were killed by the Indians. On August 8, 1788, James Young and Elizabeth, his wife sold to Samuel Ewing and Thomas Johnson of Russell Co. 100 acres called "Mount Welcome" in Rich Valley on both sides of Young Creek, a branch of the North Fork of Holston. On February 17, 1796 Samuel Ewing deeds this same tract of land to Thomas Johnson and Fanny, his wife, of Russell Co. and Robert and William Logan. This time the land is referred to as being in Rich Valley on both sides of Young's Mill Creek. Later Thomas Johnson of Knox Cp., Tenn. sells 100 acres on Middle Fork of Holston to Michael Gimet. On March 15, 1796, Thomas and Fanny Johnson sell 350 acres in Rich Valley to John Scroggins.
18. HUMPHREY DICKENSON - Humphrey Dickenson was a brother of Henry Dickenson. He settled in Castlewood in 1769 on the north side of the Clinch River where he built a two story log house later lived in by his brother Henry. This house owned by Mr. Don Gray stood until recently. Humphrey was killed by Indians on a rock in Clinch River in 1778.
19. JAMES BUSH - James Bush and his wife Mary came from Amherst Co. to Castlewood in the early 1770's. Early he had a mill in Castleood and in 1790 deeds refer to "Bush's Mill Creek." Later it seems he owned the Cowan-Russell Fort for it is after referred to as Bush's Fort. His son, Austin Bush served as one of the Indian Spys. His daughters Mary and Ann were captured by the Indians, but were retaken in Floyd Co., Ky. by the Clinch Militia. Ann was tomahawked but survived. She was later scalped by the Indians and still survived to rear a family. James Bush was dead prior to 1820, and Ann was dead by 1825. 20 August 1762 James Bush, assignee of Henry Dickenson entered 100 acres of land on south side of Clinch River known by the name of the Russian Place?
20. JAMES BURKE - Not much is known by this writer about James Burke. He apparently lived on Copper Creek where he had 96 acres surveyed for him on April 8, 1774. He also had a 45 acre tract on Lewis Creek, recorded December 13, 1783. There was more than one James Burke in the area. On November 24, 1777, one James Burke was Administrator of the estate of Henry Sivord, deceased. Then on March 17, 1779, he was summoned to court to render an account of administration. On June 15, 1779 on motion of John Kinkead who was security for James Burke, administrator of the estate of Henry Sword, deceased, for counter security. William Houston and Daniel McCoy came into court and undertook in the penalty of 1500 punds to endemnify the said Kinkead for being security for the said administrator. On April 17, 1782 (Wash. Co. Entry Book) Joseph Hatfield assignee of John Neal, assignee of Eli Smith, enters 50 acres on waters of Clinch being land whereon he now lives. Also James Burk where he now lives on Big Arod(?) Creek.
21. BENJAMIN NICHOLSON - Benjamin Nicholson came to the area about 1772 and settled on the Clinch River in the vicinity of Gray's Island in Scott Co. His home is referred to as Nicholson's Fort. He married Jemima Darnell and in the late 1790's sold his land and moved to Clarke Co., Ky.
22. JOHN ANDERSON - There were at least three John Andersons in the area at this time. This particular one was probably the John Anderson who was a son-in-law of Richard Price. He had a land entry for 190 acres in Elk Garden recorded March 28, 1785, and another entry for 200 acres recorded August 24, 1781 and had settled on this tract in the year 1775. On November 18, 1778 he was appointed administrator of the estates of John Barksdale and Humphrey Dickenson, both of whom the Indians had killed in Castlewood.
23. DAVID BURNEY
24. GEORGE OSCER - Really George Auxier, and brother of #15 Michael Auxier. George Auxier died in 1809 in Montgomery Co., Ky. He was married to Dorcas Shelly who died in Ky. in 1824. George Auxier served in the frontier militia, enlisted at Glade Hollow Fort under Capt. Alexander Barnett. In 1838 George & Dorcas Auxier had an only surviving child, James Auxier, born 1791, who applied for a pension on the Revolutionary War services of his father.
25. OBEDIAH TERRELL - Obediah Terrell is best remembered as being one of the noted Long Hunters. Obey's River in Tenn. was named for him. "He was a chunky, small sized man with a club foot." (Draper Mss. 55-62)
Terrell lived on Obey's Creek, in Scott Co. prior to his removal to Tenn. The earliest official record found of him is in old Fincastle Co., dated November 3, 1773 when he was granted a judgemant against Uriah Stone, another of the Long Hunters. The last record found relating to him was April 22, 1778 in Washington Co. when he was appointed overseer of a road from "Two Big Springs" on Copper Creek to the head of Moccasin Creek. Then again on Aug. 18, 1778 he was appointed administrator of the estate of Thomas Kindrick. It was perhaps shortly after the latter date that he moved to Tenn. for less than 16 months later, in 1780, Daniel Smith spent the night at his camp on Obey's River in middle Tenn. while on a buffalo hunt. Terrell Spent seveal years on the Cumberland River as a farmer and hunter, and before permanent settlement in Tenn. hunted and camped along the river in what is now Cumberland and Pulaski Counties.
26. JOSEPH KINKAID - Joseph Kinkaid was a son of John Kinkaid, who lived across Clingh River from St. Paul. This Kinkaid family moved to Ky. in 1779. Both Joseph and his brother James Kinkaid served in the frontier militia before their removal to Ky. Both went with Col. John Bowman to Ky. in 1778 when he was ordered there to the defense of the Ky. stations.
27. THOMAS PITTMAN - Thomas, Joshua and William Pittman were all in the area, but nothing is known of them. William Pittman was one of the Long Hunters, Sep. 20, 1782, Walter Prreston by pre-emption warrant, enters 300 ac. of land joining George Moss settlement in Powell Valley which he bought of William Pittman. This land lying on the Ky. Road and near the Rock house.
28. WILLIAM COWAN - William Cowan was a Captain in the militia and his wife was Mary Walker, daughter of John Walker. His brothers David, Samuel and Andrew also lived on the Clinch River. William Cowan lived two miles below Moore's Fort on land he bought from Capt. David Gass, his brother-in-law. Cowan sold his land to James Osborne and left the area around 1780, probably for Kentucky. The old log house where Gass, Cowan and Osborne lived still stands in lower Castlewood. Captain William Cowan made several trips into Kentucky before leaving the Clinch.
29. WILLIAM BUSH - Little is known of William Bush who once lived in Castlewood. It is known that he commanded a company of militia in Capt. Paulin's Co., under Col. John Bowman when he was ordered to the defense of the Kentucky station in 1778. Bush raised his company of a Lieutenant's command in the Clinch area and two of his company were the brothers James and Joseph Kinkaid. William Bush was in Kentucky in the year 1775 when he entered a land grant. He probably moved to Boonesboro for a William Bush appears in the early settlement there.
30. DAVID GASS - Capt. David Gass was born in Pennsylvania in 1729. He settled early in Albemarle Co., Va., where he was serving in the militia in 1758. In 1769 he moved to Castlewood and prepared to go with Boone to Kentucky in 1773. After the Indians attacked Boone's party in Powell Valley, Boone came to Castlewood and lived in a cabin on Capt. Gass's land until he moved to Boonesboro in 1775. Capt. Gass made seven trips to Kentucky before finally moving his family there in 1777. Gass sold his home place on the Clinch to his brother-in-law, Capt. William Cowan, who in turn sold it to James Osborne, Gass died in Madison Co., Ky.
31. JOSEPH MOORE - Joseph Moore was a brother to William Moore and together these brothers built Moore's Fort in Lower Castlewood in 1774, having come there in 1769. Both moved about 1780 to Lincoln Co., Ky.
32. SAMUEL KIRKHAM - No Data
33. GEORGE CAMPBELL - The only records I could find on a George Campbell were in Botetourt Co., Va. and this may or may not be the same George Campbell. The first order was on April 11, 1770 when he was granted a certificate for hemp. On the 14th of November 1770 the court ordered the church wardens to "bind out" John Shnido, a poor boy and to apprentice him to George Campbell. On May 11, 1770, George Campbell sold 96 acres on Ekl Creek, a branch of the James River to Joseph McAdams.
34. JAMES BLACK - James Black recorded 150 ac. on Cassell's Run, Aug. 10, 1781, and gave his settlement date thereon as 1772.
35. JOHN ENGLISH - John English settled on Sugar Hill overlooking St. Paul in 1772, the first settlement ever made in the present bounds of Wise Co., Va. He died in 1797. In 1787, his wife Molly and two little sons were killed by the Indians. His daughter married Jessee Fraley and she seemed to be his only living heir. In 1791, John English sold his 186 acres on Sugar Hill to the French Baron Francois Pierre De TuBeuf. It seems the first claimant to the English land was Thomas Pittman who had assigned it to Sheppy Allen Puckett, brother of Drury Puckett another early settler of Russell Co., Va.
36. WILLIAM HAYS - William Hays came out in 1770, along with Robert Elsom as stock tenders for Capt. William Herbert, Sr. of Poplar Camp, Wythe Co., Va. Herbert had a patent for land between Dungannon and Gray's Island on Clinch River. Robert Elsom was killed there by the Indians in 1777.
37. JOSEPH DUNCAN - This name on the roster is hard to make out, but appears to be an abbreviation for Joseph Duncan, who seems to have been an early settler, about whom I know nothing.
38. WILLIAM BLACKMORE - William Blackmore was undoubtably a son of Capt. John Blackmore who built Blackmore's Fort on Clinch River in 1774. In 1779 Capt. John Blackmore moved to the Nashboro settlement in Tennessee.
39. JOHN BLACKMORE - Capt. John Blackmore and his brother Joseph came from Fauquier Co., Va. and settled in present day Scott Co. at Fort Blackmore. Here they, along with other settlers built Blackmore's Fort in 1774. Capt. John Blackmore rafted down the Clinch in 1779, joining Col. John Donnelson on the Holston River and together they rafted to the Nashboro settlement in Tennessee to become the first settlers of that area.
40. ANDREW DAVIS - Andrew Davis settled near the mouth of Stony Creek in Scott Co. in 1772, and was probably one of the four families who built Blackmore's Fort.
41. JOHN BLACKMORE, JR. - He was a son of Capt. John Blackmore. John Jr. was married to Elizabeth Douglas and went in 1779 to Tennessee with his father. He was killed by the Indians in Tennessee in 1781 or 1782.
42. RICHARD STAUNTON - Richard Staunton settled very ealy on Staunton's Creek in Scott Co., Va. and it was for him the stream was named. In the early 1750's, Richard was living with his father Thomas Staunton at Poplar Camp in Wythe Co. Thomas Staunton sold his land to Capt. William Herbert and moved to North Carolina. Richard Staunton died on Staunton's Creek and seemed to have had no family. One record refers to him as an aide to Col. William Compbell.
43. JOHN CARTER - John Carter was a brother to Dale Carter who was killed by Indians at Blackmore's Fort in 1774. John Carter settled on a farm down river from Fort Blackmore about 1772. In 1785, the Indians attacked his home, killed his wife and five children and set fire to his house burning the bodies of his slain family.
44. WILLIAM CARR - William Carr lived on Carr's Creek in Russell Co. where he died in 1782, and for whom the creek was named. His widow, Hannah Carr moved her family in 1784 to Sumner Co., Tennessee. This is the same Hannah Carr who refugeed with Danile Boone's family in Moore's Fort in 1774. Carr owned land at Guest Station (Coeburn) Washington Co. Land Entry Book 25 May 1783, 200 acres for John Donald on the lowest branch of Toms Creek, that emptied into Gist River beginning at the line of Widow Carr's corn right at Gist Station and running up the creek on both sides of the War Path everyway.

Daniel Boone's Account of Kentucky Trip

2007-03-20T14:13:00.000-05:00

The Adventures of Col. Daniel Boone
by John Filson

The Adventures
With a Narrative of the Wars of Kentucke
uriosity is natural to the soul of man, and interesting objects have a powerful influence on our affections. Let these influencing powers actuate, by the permission or disposal of Providence, from selfish or social views, yet in time the mysterious will of Heaven is unfolded, and we behold our conduct, from whatsoever motives excited, operating to answer the important designs of heaven. Thus we behold Kentucke, lately an howling wilderness, the habitation of savages and wild beasts, become a fruitful field; this region, so favourably distinguished by nature, now become the habitation of civilization, at a period unparalleled in history, in the midst of a raging war, and under all the disadvantages of emigration to a country so remote from the inhabited parts of the continent. Here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of savages, and the groans of the distressed, sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adoration of our Creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abodes of savages, we behold the foundations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will rival the glory of the greatest upon earth. And we view Kentucke situated on the fertile banks of the great Ohio, rising from obscurity to shine with splendor, equal to any other of the stars of the American hemisphere.
The settling of this region well deserves a place in history. Most of the memorable events I have myself been exercised in; and, for the satisfaction of the public, will briefly relate the circumstances of my adventures, and scenes of life, from my first movement to this country until this day.
It was on the first of May, in the year 1769, that I resigned my domestic happiness for a time, and left my family and peaceable habitation on the Yadkin River, in North-Carolina, to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest of the country of Kentucke, in company with John Finley, John Stewart, Joseph Holden, James Monay, and William Cool. We proceeded successfully, and after a long and fatiguing journey through a mountainous wilderness, in a westward direction, on the seventh day of June following, we found ourselves on Red-River, where John Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and, from the top of an eminence, saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucke. Here let me observe, that for some time we had experienced the most uncomfortable weather as a prelibation of our future sufferings. At this place we encamped, and made a shelter to defend us from the inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the country. We found every where abundance of wild beasts of all sorts, through this vast forest. The buffaloes were more frequent than I have seen cattle in the settlements, browzing on the leaves of the cane, or croping the herbage on those extensive plains, fearless, because ignorant, of the violence of man. Sometimes we saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the salt springs were amazing. In this forest, the habitation of beasts of every kind natural to America, we practised hunting with great success until the twenty-second day of December following.
This day John Stewart and I had a pleasing ramble, but fortune changed the scene in the close of it. We had passed through a great forest on which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms, others rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of wonders, and a fund of delight. Here she displayed her ingenuity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beautifully coloured, elegantly shaped, and charmingly flavoured; and we were diverted with innumerable animals presenting themselves perpetually to our view.--In the decline of the day, near Kentucke river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a number of Indians rushed out of a thick cane-brake upon us, and made us prisoners. The time of our sorrow was now arrived, and the scene fully opened. The Indians plundered us of what we had, and kept us in confinement seven days, treating us with common savage usage. During this time we discovered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them less suspicious of us; but in the dead of night, as we lay in a thick cane-brake by a large fire, when sleep had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing me for rest, I touched my companion and gently awoke him. We improved this favourable opportunity, and departed, leaving them to take their rest, and speedily directed our course towards our old camp, but found it plundered, and the company dispersed and gone home. About this time my brother, Squire Boon, with another adventurer, who came to explore the country shortly after us, was wandering through the forest, determined to find me, if possible, and accidentally found our camp. Notwithstanding the unfortunate circumstances of our company, and our dangerous situation, as surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting so fortunately in the wilderness made us reciprocally sensible of the utmost satisfaction. So much does friendship triumph over misfortune, that sorrows and sufferings vanish at the meeting not only of real friends, but of the most distant acquaintances, and substitutes happiness in their room.
Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John Stewart, was killed by the savages, and the man that came with my brother returned home by himself. We were then in a dangerous, helpless situation, exposed daily to perils and death amongst savages and wild beasts, not a white man in the country but ourselves.
Thus situated, many hundred miles from our families in the howling wilderness, I believe few would have equally enjoyed the happiness we experienced. I often observed to my brother, You see now how little nature requires to be satisfied. Felicity, the companion of content, is rather found in our own breasts than in the enjoyment of external things; And I firmly believe it requires but a little philosophy to make a man happy in whatsoever state he is. This consists in a full resignation to the will of Providence; and a resigned soul finds pleasure in a path strewed with briars and thorns.
We continued not in a state of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a little cottage to defend us from the Winter storms. We remained there undisturbed during the Winter; and on the first day of May, 1770, my brother returned home to the settlement by himself, for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me by myself, without bread, salt or sugar, without company of my fellow creatures, or even a horse or dog. I confess I never before was under greater necessity of exercising philosophy and fortitude. A few days I passed uncomfortably. The idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety upon the account of my absence and exposed situation, made sensible impressions on my heart. A thousand dreadful apprehensions presented themselves to my view, and had undoubtedly disposed me to melancholy, if further indulged.
One day I undertook a tour through the country, and the diversity and beauties of nature I met with in this charming season, expelled every gloomy and vexatious thought. Just at the close of day the gentle gales retired, and left the place to the disposal of a profound calm. Not a breeze shook the most tremulous leaf. I had gained the summit of a commanding ridge, and, looking round with astonishing delight, beheld the ample plains, the beauteous tracts below. On the other hand, I surveyed the famous river Ohio that rolled in silent dignity, marking the western boundary of Kentucke with inconceivable grandeur. At a vast distance I beheld the mountains lift their venerable brows, and penetrate the clouds. All things were still. I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and feasted on the loin of a buck, which a few hours before I had killed. The sullen shades of night soon overspread the whole hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the hovering moisture. My roving excursion this day had fatigued my body, and diverted my imagination. I laid me down to sleep, and I awoke not until the sun had chased away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few days explored a considerable part of the country, each day equally pleased as the first. I returned again to my old camp, which was not disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodging to it, but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the savages, who, I believe, often visited my camp, but fortunately for me, in my absence. In this situation I was constantly exposed to danger, and death. How unhappy such a situation for a man tormented with fear, which is vain if no danger comes, and if it does, only augments the pain. It was my happiness to be destitute of this afflicting passion, with which I had the greatest reason to be affected. The prowling wolves diverted my nocturnal hours with perpetual howlings; and the various species of animals in this vast forest, in the daytime, were continually in my view. Thus I was surrounded with plenty in the midst of want. I was happy in the midst of dangers and inconveniences. In such a diversity it was impossible I should be disposed to melancholy. No populous city, with all the varieties of commerce and stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to my mind, as the beauties of nature I found here.
Thus, through an uninterrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, I spent the time until the 27th day of July following, when my brother, to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment, at our old camp. Shortly after, we left this place, not thinking it safe to stay there longer, and proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring that part of the country until March, 1771, and giving names to the different waters.
Soon after, I returned home to my family with a determination to bring them as soon as possible to live in Kentucke, which I esteemed a second paradise, at the risk of my life and fortune.
I returned safe to my old habitation, and found my family in happy circumstances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what goods we could not carry with us; and on the twenty-fifth day of September, 1773, bade a farewel to our friends, and proceeded on our journey to Kentucke, in company with five families more, and forty men that joined us in Powel's Valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles from the now settled parts of Kentucke. This promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adversity; for upon the tenth day of October, the rear of our company was attacked by a number of Indians, who killed six, and wounded one man. Of these my eldest son was one that fell in the action. Though we defended ourselves, and repulsed the enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle, brought us into extreme difficulty, and so discouraged the whole company, that we retreated forty miles, to the settlement on Clench river. We had passed over two mountains, viz. Powel's and Walden's, and were approaching Cumberland mountain when this adverse fortune overtook us. These mountains are in the wilderness, as we pass from the old settlements in Virginia to Kentucke, are ranged in a S. west and N. east direction, are of a great length and breadth, and not far distant from each other. Over these, nature hath formed passes, that are less difficult than might be expected from a view of such huge piles. The aspect of these cliffs is so wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror. The spectator is apt to imagine that nature had formerly suffered some violent convulsion; and that these are the dismembered remains of the dreadful shock; the ruins, not of Persepolis or Palmyra, but of the world!
I remained with my family on Clench until the sixth of June, 1774, when I and one Michael Stoner were solicited by Governor Dunmore, of Virginia, to go to the Falls of the Ohio, to conduct into the settlement a number of surveyors that had been sent thither by him some months before; this country having about this time drawn the attention of many adventurers. We immediately complied with the Governor's request, and conducted in the surveyors, compleating a tour of eight hundred miles, through many difficulties, in sixty-two days.
Soon after I returned home, I was ordered to take the command of three garrisons during the campaign, which Governor Dunmore carried on against the Shawanese Indians: After the conclusion of which, the Militia was discharged from each garrrison, and I being relieved from my post, was solicited by a number of North-Carolina gentlemen, that were about purchasing the lands lying on the S. side of Kentucke River, from the Cherokee Indians, to attend their treaty at Wataga, in March, 1775, to negotiate with them, and, mention the boundaries of the purchase. This I accepted, and at the request of the same gentlemen, undertook to mark out a road in the best passage from the settlement through the wilderness to Kentucke, with such assistance as I thought necessary to employ for such an important undertaking.
I soon began this work, having collected a number of enterprising men, well armed. We proceeded with all possible expedition until we came within fifteen miles of where Boonsborough now stands, and where we were fired upon by a party of Indians that killed two, and wounded two of our number; yet, although surprised and taken at a disadvantage, we stood our ground. This was on the twentieth of March, 1775. Three days after, we were fired upon again, and had two men killed, and three wounded. Afterwards we proceeded on to Kentucke river without opposition; and on the first day of April began to erect the fort of Boonsborough at a salt lick, about sixty yards from the river, on the S. side.
On the fourth day, the Indians killed one of our men.--We were busily employed in building this fort, until the fourteenth day of June following, without any farther opposition from the Indians; and having finished the works, I returned to my family, on Clench.
In a short time, I proceeded to remove my family from Clench to this garrison; where we arrived safe without any other difficulties than such as are common to this passage, my wife and daughter being the first white women that ever stood on the banks of Kentucke river.
On the twenty-fourth day of December following we had one man killed, and one wounded, by the Indians, who seemed determined to persecute us for erecting this fortification.
On the fourteenth day of July, 1776, two of Col. Calaway's daughters, and one of mine, were taken prisoners near the fort. I immediately pursued the Indians, with only eight men, and on the sixteenth overtook them, killed two of the party, and recovered the girls. The same day on which this attempt was made, the Indians divided themselves into different parties, and attacked several forts, which were shortly before this time erected, doing a great deal of mischief. This was extremely distressing to the new settlers. The innocent husbandman was shot down, while busy cultivating the soil for his family's supply. Most of the cattle around the stations were destroyed. They continued their hostilities in this manner until the fifteenth of April, 1777, when they attacked Boonsborough with a party of above one hundred in number, killed one man, and wounded four--Their loss in this attack was not certainly known to us.
On the fourth day of July following, a party of about two hundred Indians attacked Boonsborough, killed one man, and wounded two. They besieged us forty-eight hours; during which time seven of them were killed, and at last, finding themselves not likely to prevail, they raised the siege, and departed.
The Indians had disposed their warriors in different parties at this time, and attacked the different garrisons to prevent their assisting each other, and did much injury to the distressed inhabitants.
On the nineteenth day of this month, Col. Logan's fort was besieged by a party of about two hundred Indians. During this dreadful siege they did a great deal of mischief, distressed the garrison, in which were only fifteen men, killed two, and wounded one. The enemies loss was uncertain, from the common practice which the Indians have of carrying off their dead in time of battle. Col. Harrod's fort was then defended by only sixty-five men, and Boonsborough by twenty-two, there being no more forts or white men in the country, except at the Falls, a considerable distance from these, and all taken collectively, were but a handful to the numerous warriors that were every where dispersed through the country, intent upon doing all the mischief that savage barbarity could invent. Thus we passed through a scene of sufferings that exceeds description.
On the twenty-fifth of this month a reinforcement of forty-five men arrived from North-Carolina, and about the twentieth of August following, Col. Bowman arrived with one hundred men from Virginia. Now we began to strengthen, and from hence, for the space of six weeks, we had skirmishes with Indians, in one quarter or other, almost every day.
The savages now learned the superiority of the Long Knife, as they call the Virginians, by experience; being out-generalled in almost every battle. Our affairs began to wear a new aspect, and the enemy, not daring to venture on open war, practised secret mischief at times.
On the first day of January, 1778, I went with a party of thirty men to the Blue Licks, on Licking River, to make salt for the different garrisons in the country.
On the seventh day of February, as I was hunting, to procure meat for the company, I met with a party of one hundred and two Indians, and two Frenchmen, on their march against Boonsborough, that place being particularly the object of the enemy.
They pursued, and took me; and brought me on the eighth day to the Licks, where twenty-seven of my party were, three of them having previously returned home with the salt. I knowing it was impossible for them to escape, capitulated with the enemy, and, at a distance in their view, gave notice to my men of their situation, with orders not to resist, but surrender themselves captives.
The generous usage the Indians had promised before in my capitulation, was afterwards fully complied with, and we proceeded with them as prisoners to old Chelicothe, the principal Indian town, on Little Miami, where we arrived, after an uncomfortable journey, in very severe weather, on the eighteenth day of February, and received as good treatment as prisoners could expect from savages.--On the tenth day of March following, I, and ten of my men, were conducted by forty Indians to Detroit, where we arrived the thirtieth day, and were treated by Governor Hamilton, the British commander at that post, with great humanity.
During our travels, the Indians entertained me well; and their affection for me was so great, that they utterly refused to leave me there with the others, although the Governor offered them one hundred pounds Sterling for me, on purpose to give me a parole to go home. Several English gentlemen there, being sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with human sympathy, generously offered a friendly supply for my wants, which I refused, with many thanks for their kindness; adding, that I never expected it would be in my power to recompense such unmerited generosity.
The Indians left my men in captivity with the British at Detroit, and on the tenth day of April brought me towards Old Chelicothe, where we arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the same month. This was a long and fatiguing march, through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for fine springs and streams of water. At Chelicothe I spent my time as comfortably as I could expect; was adopted, accordin to their custom, into a family where I became a son, and had a great share in the affection of my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. I was exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always appearing as chearful and satisfied as possible, and they put great confidence in me. I often went a hunting with them, and frequently gained their applause for my activity at our shooting-matches. I was careful not to exceed many of them in shooting; for no people are more envious than they in this sport. I could observe, in their countenances and gestures, the greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me; and, when the reverse happened, of envy. The Shawanese king took great notice of me, and treated me with profound respect, and entire friendship, often entrusting me to hunt at my liberty. I frequently returned with the spoils of the woods, and as often presented some of what I had taken to him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. My food and lodging was, in common, with them, not so good indeed as I could desire, but necessity made every thing acceptable.
I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully avoided their suspicions, continuing with them at Old Chelicothe until the first day of June following, and then was taken by them to the salt springs on Sciotha, and kept there, making salt, ten days. During this time I hunted some for them, and found the land, for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil of Kentucke, if possible, and remarkably well watered. When I returned to Chelicothe, alarmed to see four hundred and fifty Indians, of their choicest warriors, painted and armed in a fearful manner, ready to march against Boonsborough, I determined to escape the first opportunity.
On the sixteenth, before sun-rise, I departed in the most secret manner, and arrived at Boonsborough on the twentieth, after a journey of one hundred and sixty miles; during which, I had but one meal.
I found our fortress in a bad state of defence, but we proceeded immediately to repair our flanks, strengthen our gates and posterns, and form double bastions, which we compleated in ten days. In this time we daily expected the arrival of the Indian army; and at length, one of my fellow prisoners, escaping from them, arrived, informing us that the enemy had an account of my departure, and postponed their expedition three weeks.--The Indians had spies out viewing our movements, and were greatly alarmed with our increase in number and fortifications. The Grand Councils of the nations were held frequently, and with more deliberation than usual. They evidently saw the approaching hour when the Long Knife would disposess them of their desirable habitations; and anxiously concerned for futurity, determined utterly to extirpate the whites out of Kentucke. We were not intimidated by their movements, but frequently gave them proofs of our courage.
About the first of August, I made an incursion into the Indian country, with a party of nineteen men, in order to surprise a small town up Sciotha, called Paint-Creek-Town. We advanced within four miles thereof, where we met a party of thirty Indians, on their march against Boonsborough, intending to join the others from Chelicothe. A smart fight ensued betwixt us for some time: At length the savages gave way, and fled. We had no loss on our side: The enemy had one killed, and two wounded. We took from them three horses, and all their baggage; and being informed, by two of our number that went to their town, that the Indians had entirely evacuated it, we proceeded no further, and returned with all possible expedition to assist our garrison against the other party. We passed by them on the sixth day, and on the seventh, we arrived safe at Boonsborough.
On the eighth, the Indian army arrived, being four hundred and forty-four in number, commanded by Capt. Duquesne, eleven other Frenchmen, and some of their own chiefs, and marched up within view of our fort, with British and French colours flying; and having sent a summons to me, in his Britannick Majesty's name, to surrender the fort, I requested two days consideration, which was granted.
It was now a critical period with us.--We were a small number in the garrison.--A powerful army before our walls, whose appearance proclaimed inevitable death, fearfully painted, and marking their footsteps with desolation. Death was preferable to captivity; and if taken by storm, we must inevitably be devoted to destruction. In this situation we concluded to maintain our garrison, if possible. We immediately proceeded to collect what we could of our horses, and other cattle, and bring them through the posterns into the fort: And in the evening of the ninth, I returned answer, that we were determined to defend our fort while a man was living--Now, said I to their commander, who stood attentively hearing my sentiments, We laugh at all your formidable preparations: But thank you for giving us notice and time to provide for our defence. Your efforts will not prevail; for our gates shall for ever deny you admittance.--Whether this answer affected their courage, or not, I cannot tell; but, contrary to our expectations, they formed a scheme to deceive us, declaring it was their orders, from Governor Hamilton, to take us captives, and not to destroy us; but if nine of us would come out, and treat with them, they would immediatly withdraw their forces from our walls, and return home peaceably. This sounded grateful in our ears; and we agreed to the proposal.
We held the treaty within sixty yards of the garrison, on purpose to divert them from a breach of honour, as we could not avoid suspicions of the savages. In this situation the articles were formally agreed to, and signed; and the Indians told us it was customary with them, on such occasions, for two Indians to shake hands with every white-man in the treaty, as an evidence of entire friendship. We agreed to this also, but were soon convinced their policy was to take us prisoners.--They immediately grappled us; but, although surrounded by hundreds of savages, we extricated ourselves from them, and escaped all safe into the garrison, except one that was wounded, through a heavy fire from their army. They immediately attacked us on every side, and a constant heavy fire ensued between us day and night for the space of nine days.
In this time the enemy began to undermine our fort, which was situated sixty yards from Kentucke river. They began at the water- mark and proceeded in the bank some distance, which we understood by their making the water muddy with the clay; and we immediately proceeded to disappoint their design, by cutting a trench across their subterranean passage. The enemy discovering our counter-mine, by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted from that stratagem: And experience now fully convincing them that neither their power nor policy could effect their purpose, on the twentieth day of August they raised the siege, and departed.
During this dreadful siege, which threatened death in every form, we had two men killed, and four wounded, besides a number of cattle. We killed of the enemy thirty-seven, and wounded a great number. After they were gone, we picked up one hundred and twenty- five pounds weight of bullets, besides what stuck in the logs of our fort; which certainly is a great proof of their industry. Soon after this, I went into the settlement, and nothing worthy of a place in this account passed in my affairs for some time.
During my absence from Kentucke, Col. Bowman carried on an expedition against the Shawanese, at Old Chelicothe, with one hundred and sixty men, in July, 1779. Here they arrived undiscovered, and a battle ensued, which lasted until ten o'clock, A. M. when Col. Bowman, finding he could not succeed at this time, retreated about thirty miles. The Indians, in the meantime, collecting all their forces, pursued and overtook him, when a smart fight continued near two hours, not to the advantage of Col. Bowman's party.
Col. Harrod proposed to mount a number of horse, and furiously to rush upon the savages, who at this time fought with remarkable fury. This desperate step had a happy effect, broke their line of battle, and the savages fled on all sides. In these two battles we had nine killed, and one wounded. The enemy's loss uncertain, only two scalps being taken.
On the twenty-second day of June, 1780, a large party of Indians and Canadians, about six hundred in number, commanded by Col. Bird, attacked Riddle's and Martin's stations, at the Forks of Licking River, with six pieces of artillery. They carried this expedition so secretly, that the unwary inhabitants did not discover them, until they fired upon the forts; and, not being prepared to oppose them, were obliged to surrender themselves miserable captives to barbarous savages, who immediately after tomahawked one man and two women, and loaded all the others with heavy baggage, forcing them along toward their towns, able or unable to march. Such as were weak and faint by the way, they tomahawked. The tender women, and helpless children, fell victims to their cruelty. This, and the savage treatment they received afterwards, is shocking to humanity, and too barbarous to relate.
The hostile disposition of the savages, and their allies, caused General Clark, the commandant at the Falls of the Ohio, immediately to begin an expedition with his own regiment, and the armed force of the country, against Pecaway, the principal town of the Shawanese, on a branch of Great Miami, which he finished with great success, took seventeen scalps, and burnt the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen men.
About this time I returned to Kentucke with my family; and here, to avoid an enquiry into my conduct, the reader being before informed of my bringing my family to Kentucke, I am under the necessity of informing him that, during my captivity with the Indians, my wife, who despaired of ever seeing me again, expecting the Indians had put a period to my life, oppressed with the distresses of the country, and bereaved of me, her only happiness, had, before I returned, transported my family and goods, on horses, through the wilderness, amidst a multitude of dangers, to her father's house, in North-Carolina.
Shortly after the troubles at Boonsborough, I went to them, and lived peaceably there until this time. The history of my going home, and returning with my family, forms a series of difficulties, an account of which would swell a volume, and being foreign to my purpose, I shall purposely omit them.
I settled my family in Boonsborough once more; and shortly after, on the sixth day of October, 1780, I went in company with my brother to the Blue Licks; and, on our return home, we were fired upon by a party of Indians. They shot him, and pursued me, by the scent of their dog, three miles; but I killed the dog, and escaped. The winter soon came on, and was very severe, which confined the Indians to their wigwams.
The severity of this Winter caused great difficulties in Kentucke. The enemy had destroyed most of the corn, the Summer before. This necessary article was scarce, and dear; and the inhabitants lived chiefly on the flesh of buffaloes. The circumstances of many were very lamentable: However, being a hardy race of people, and accustomed to difficulties and necessities, they were wonderfully supported through all their sufferings, until the ensuing Fall, when we received abundance from the fertile soil.
Towards Spring, we were frequently harassed by Indians; and, in May, 1782, a party assaulted Ashton's station, killed one man, and took a Negro prisoner. Capt. Ashton, with twenty-five men, pursued, and overtook the savages, and a smart fight ensued, which lasted two hours; but they being superior in number, obliged Captain Ashton's party to retreat, with the loss of eight killed, and four mortally wounded; their brave commander himself being numbered among the dead.
The Indians continued their hostilities; and, about the tenth of August following, two boys were taken from Major Hoy's station. This party was pursued by Capt. Holder and seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss of four men killed, and one wounded. Our affairs became more and more alarming. Several stations which had lately been erected in the country were continually infested with savages, stealing their horses and killing the men at every opportunity. In a field, near Lexington, an Indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, was himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon his enemy.
Every day we experienced recent mischiefs. The barbarous savage nations of Shawanese, Cherokees, Wyandots, Tawas, Delawares, and several others near Detroit, united in a war against us, and assembled their choicest warriors at old Chelicothe, to go on the expedition, in order to destroy us, and entirely depopulate the country. Their savage minds were inflamed to mischief by two abandoned men, Captains McKee and Girty. These led them to execute every diabolical scheme; and, on the fifteenth day of August, commanded a party of Indians and Canadians, of about five hundred in number, against Briant's station, five miles from Lexington. Without demanding a surrender, they furiously assaulted the garrison, which was happily prepared to oppose them; and, after they had expended much ammunition in vain, and killed the cattle round the fort, not being likely to make themselves masters of this place, they raised the siege, and departed in the morning of the third day after they came, with the loss of about thirty killed, and the number of wounded uncertain.--Of the garrison four were killed, and three wounded.
On the eighteenth day Col. Todd, Col. Trigg, Major Harland, and myself, speedily collected one hundred and seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages. They had marched beyond the Blue Licks to a remarkable bend of the main fork of Licking River, about forty-three miles from Lexington, as it is particularly represented in the map, where we overtook them on the nineteenth day. The savages observing us, gave way; and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed the river. When the enemy saw our proceedings, having greatly the advantage of us in situation, they formed the line of battle, represented in the map, from one bend of Licking to the other, about a mile from the Blue Licks. An exceeding fierce battle immediately began, for about fifteen minutes, when we, being over-powered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men; seven of whom were taken prisoners. The brave and much lamented Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major Harland and my second son, were among the dead. We were informed that the Indians, numbering their dead, found they had four killed more than we; and therefore, four of the prisoners they had taken, were, by general consent, ordered to be killed, in a most barbarous manner, by the young warriors, in order to train them up to cruelty; and then they proceeded to their towns.
On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, hastening to join us, with a number of well armed men: This powerful assistance we unfortunately wanted in the battle; for, notwithstanding the enemy's superiority of numbers, they acknowledged that, if they had received one more fire from us, they should undoubtedly have given way. So valiantly did our small party fight, that, to the memory of those who unfortunately fell in the battle, enough of honour cannot be paid. Had Col. Logan and his party been with us, it is highly probable we should have given the savages a total defeat.
I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, but sorrow fills my heart. A zeal for the defence of their country led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a few men to attack a powerful army of experienced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued us with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread destruction. The river was difficult to cross, and many were killed in the flight, some just entering the river, some in the water, others after crossing in ascending the cliffs. Some escaped on horse-back, a few on foot; and, being dispersed every where, in a few hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle to Lexington. Many widows were now made. The reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that I am able to describe. Being reinforced, we returned to bury the dead, and found their bodies strewed every where, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner. This mournful scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled: Some torn and eaten by wild beasts; those in the river eaten by fishes; all in such a putrified condition, that no one could be distinguished from another.
As soon as General Clark, then at the Falls of the Ohio, who was ever our ready friend, and merits the love and gratitude of all his country-men, understood the circumstances of this unfortunate action, he ordered an expedition, with all possible haste, to pursue the savages, which was so expeditiously effected, that we overtook them within two miles of their towns, and probably might have obtained a great victory, had not two of their number met us about two hundred poles before we come up. These returned quick as lightening to their camp with the alarming news of a mighty army in view. The savages fled in the utmost disorder, evacuated their towns, and reluctantly left their territory to our mercy. We immediately took possession of Old Chelicothe without opposition, being deserted by its inhabitants. We continued our pursuit through five towns on the Miami rivers, Old Chelicothe, Pecaway, New Chelicothe, Will's Towns, and Chelicothe, burnt them all to ashes, entirely destroyed their corn, and other fruits, and every where spread a scene of desolation in the country. In this expedition we took seven prisoners and five scalps, with the loss of only four men, two of whom were accidentally killed by our own army.
This campaign in some measure damped the spirits of the Indians, and made them sensible of our superiority. Their connections were dissolved, their armies scattered, and a future invasion put entirely out of their power; yet they continued to practise mischief secretly upon the inhabitants, in the exposed parts of the country.
In October following, a party made an excursion into that district called the Crab Orchard, and one of them, being advanced some distance before the others, boldly entered the house of a poor defenceless family, in which was only a Negro man, a woman and her children, terrified with the apprehensions of immediate death. The savage, perceiving their defenceless situation, without offering violence to the family attempted to captivate the Negro, who, happily proved an over-match for him, threw him on the ground, and, in the struggle, the mother of the children drew an ax from a corner of the cottage, and cut his head off, while her little daughter shut the door. The savages instantly appeared, and applied their tomahawks to the door. An old rusty gun-barrel, without a lock, lay in a corner, which the mother put through a small crevice, and the savages, perceiving it, fled. In the mean time, the alarm spread through the neighbourhood; the armed men collected immediately, and pursued the ravagers into the wilderness. Thus Providence, by the means of this Negro, saved the whole of the poor family from destruction. From that time, until the happy return of peace between the United States and Great-Britain, the Indians did us no mischief. Finding the great king beyond the water disappointed in his expectations, and conscious of the importance of the Long Knife, and their own wretchedness, some of the nations immediately desired peace; to which, at present, they seem universally disposed, and are sending ambassadors to General Clark, at the Falls of the Ohio, with the minutes of their Councils, a specimen of which, in the minutes of the Piankashaw Council, is subjoined.
To conclude, I can now say that I have verified the saying of an old Indian who signed Col. Henderson's deed. Taking me by the hand, at the delivery thereof, Brother, says he, we have given you a fine land, but I believe you will have much trouble in settling it.--My footsteps have often been marked with blood, and therefore I can truly subscribe to its original name. Two darling sons, and a brother, have I lost by savage hands, which have also taken from me forty valuable horses, and abundance of cattle. Many dark and sleepless nights have I been a companion for owls, separated from the chearful society of men, scorched by the Summer's sun, and pinched by the Winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle the wilderness. But now the scene is changed: Peace crowns the sylvan shade.
What thanks, what ardent and ceaseless thanks are due to that all-superintending Providence which has turned a cruel war into peace, brought order out of confusion, made the fierce savages placid, and turned away their hostile weapons from our country! May the same Almighty Goodness banish the accursed monster, war, from all lands, with her hated associates, rapine and insatiable ambition. Let peace, descending from her native heaven, bid her olives spring amidst the joyful nations; and plenty, in league with commerce, scatter blessings from her copious hand.
This account of my adventures will inform the reader of the most remarkable events of this country.--I now live in peace and safety, enjoying the sweets of liberty, and the bounties of Providence, with my once fellow-sufferers, in this delightful country, which I have seen purchased with a vast expence of blood and treasure, delighting in the prospect of its being, in a short time, one of the most opulent and powerful states on the continent of North- America; which, with the love and gratitude of my country-men, I esteem a sufficient reward for all my toil and dangers.
Fayette county, Kentucke.
DANIEL BOON

An Explanation of Common Colonial Terms Dealing With Land Acquisition & Estates

2005-11-22T14:47:00.000-05:00

1. Entry - a man staked out land, and then went to the land office
and made an entry with the Clerk there.

2. A Warrant - was issued, giving him the right to have the land
surveyed, and a sketch or plat made and returned to the land office.

3. A Patent or grant - was issued, which gave the party who
entered the land the right to live on the land or have someone else
live on it who was assigned by the party. It did not necessarily
establish the date of the settlement of the land.

4. An Indenture or deed - Within a reasonable time, the patentee
made or had someone else make certain improvements on the
land and paid the price set by the land office The deed was drawn
up - witnessed and recorded - giving the person the absolute
ownership of the land. Otherwise, in a certain period of time, the
property could pass to another person.

"The Tassel's" Speech at The Long Island of the Holston - 1777

2005-11-10T14:57:00.000-05:00

Part of a speech made by the famous Cherokee, "The Tassel" at the Long Island of the Holston stating the position of the Indians:

You say: Why do not the Indians till the ground and live as we do? May we not, with equal propriety, ask why the white people do not hunt and live as we do? You profess to think it no injustice to warn us not to kill our deer and other game from the mere love of waste; but it is very criminal in our young men if they chance to kill a cow or a hog for their sustenance when they happen to be in your lands. We wish, however, to be at peace with you, and to do as we would be done by. We do not quarrel with you for killing an occasional buffalo, bear or deer on our lands when you need one to eat; but you go much farther; your people hunt to gain a livelihood by it; they kill all our game; our young men resent the injury, and it is followed by bloodshed and war.
This is not a mere affected injury; it is a grievance which we equitably complain of, and it demands a permanent redress.

The Great God of Nature has placed us in different situations. It is true he had endowed you with many superior advantages; but he had not created us to be your slaves, We are a separate people! He had given each their lands, under distinct considerations and circumstances; he has stocked yours with cows, ours with buffalo; yours with hog, ours with bear; yours with sheep, ours with deer. He has indeed given you an advantage in this, that your cattle are tame and domestic while ours are wild, and demand not only a larger space for range but art to hunt and kill them; they are, neverthe- less, as much our property as other animals are yours, and ought not to be taken away without our consent, or for something equivalent.

" Tecumseh’s Creed ”

2005-09-14T09:23:00.000-05:00

"So live your life that the fear of death can never enter your heart. Trouble no one about their religion; respect others in their view, and demand that they respect yours. Love your life, perfect your life, beautify all things in your life. Seek to make your life long and its purpose in the service of your people. Prepare a noble death song for the day when you go over the great divide.

Always give a word or a sign of salute when meeting or passing a friend, even a stranger, when in a lonely place. Show respect to all people and grovel to none.

When you arise in the morning give thanks for the food and for the joy of living. If you see no reason for giving thanks, the fault lies only in yourself. Abuse no one and nothing, for abuse turns the wise ones to fools and robs the spirit of its vision.

When it comes your time to die, be not like those whose hearts are filled with the fear of death, so that when their time comes they weep and pray for a little more time to live their lives over again in a different way. Sing your death song and die like a hero going home."

Tecumseh, Shawnee Nation

Draper Manuscript - Interviewing Thomas Carter 1883

2005-08-31T07:18:00.000-05:00

[Draper’s notes and questions for Thomas W. Carter, with page numbers, starting with 45, added by Draper]
· 45
Judge Wood interviewed & noted down TW Cater recollections April 9th 1883 – which see; & the following inquiries have reference to that statement – LCD

1773 = 75 To Ths W. Carter – Rye Cove, Scott Co., VA
May 16, 1883

1st When & where did Patk Porter die, his age & was his fort known by any other name than Porter’s Fort?

2nd Describe the Devil’s Race Path – what is it where located -- & origin of so odd a name.

3rd Judge Wood mentions Chatterrawha on Big Sandy: What is the meaning of Chatterrawha & from who did you learn it?

4th About Samuel Porter accompanying Boone on his second trip to Kentucky – in the spring after Boone’s oldest son was killed: One Michael Stoner was then with Boone – I never before heard of Porter going also. Do you feel pretty certain of it?

5th About Cooper who made the long range shot at Boonesboro – was he a Dutchman – where from -- & what finally became of him -- has he descendants to who you can refer me?

6th Have you any idea when & where Joseph Blackmore died, his age? What part of Yadkin did he come from? Can you refer me to his descendants?

· 46
7th When & where did David Cox die, & his age? Where a native of? Descendants?

8th Was Samuel Porter born in Ireland? What was his age at his death?

9th Do you know when Col. Snoddy died – his age – descendants?

10th Judge Wood mentions Dale Cater – another account I have calls his Deal Carter. Which is correct?

11th Can you tell me about one Callahan. I don’t know his first name – who figured perhaps in the region of Yokum’s Station. I would like to learn his carear, and what became of him, & about his descendants.

12th Have you any knowledge of any attack on Yokum’s Station by Indians -- & the particulars?

13th Judge Wood tells me that your uncle had a copy of Carlisle, Ky, paper containing an account of a historical celebration, & much about Boone, If you can find the paper, would very much like to see it.

14th Have you any traditions about Gen George Rogers Clark & Logan the Indian Chief.
[The few remaining lines at the bottom of film are unreadable]

[Letter from Thomas W. Carter to Lyman Draper]
· 47
Rye Cove Virginia Nov 16th /83
Lyman C. Draper Esq.
My Dear Sir:
I have before me a letter from your self bearing date May 16th 83. Before answering I will inform you the cause why I did not answer you sooner. At the time it came to hand I was so feeble, the letter was kept from me for a long time & when I had gained health, it had been misplaced – at length it was found. The books you sent are being read by my grand children with good interest I here. Thank you for the presents. Mister Draper I fear there have been reports made to you from this country that are untrue & in answering I may contradict. Your first question relative to Patk Porter. Patrick Porter died in 1810 or 1811 & was between eighty & ninty years of age; his fort was not known by any other name than Porters fort.

2 quest) The Devils Race path Branch is a small branch emptying into a creek called

· 471
Stock Creek, one half mile below the Natural Tunnel through which the creek passed a great natural curiousaty. Two & half miles above where it mouth in to Clinch River the branch heads near the top of a ridge called Purchess Ridge & runs between two spurs of said ridge, rising abruptly on either side to a considerable height; the bed of the branch being the bed of the path which was very difficult to pass on. About 1790, a man by the name of James Paine made a settlement at the mouth of said branch and another man by the name of Simon Dotson at the head; Paine house became the resort of bad men Dotson mad whiskey & sold to those men until it became danger[ous] for travelers to pass through the gorge & received the name of Devils race path branch.

3 Quest) You speak of Judge Wood speaking of two names being given to Sandy River. I never heard any other name only Big Sandy he must have got that name form some other person.

· 472
4th Quest) Boone’s first trip was made the sumer before he started with his first colony; got as fare as where Roallins Creek passes through Wallen Ridge, about fifty miles west of Snoddys fort on Clinch River to which place he fell back after his defeat. About the fifth of May Daniel Boone & Samuel Porter started back to Kentucky another person that eaver [never?] I heard spoke of went with them. They were by then ____ & neaver returned until in the month of October following—

5th Quest) Cooper was a young man who had come from Eastern Virginia had stopped at Snoddys Fort, and remained there until he went to the relief of Boone’s fort on the Kentucky river & remained in Ky for some five or six years when he returned back to Snoddys fort stayed there some few days to rest & left to

· 473
there as he said to go home to father & his mother in Old Virginia he had got tired fighting the Indians – this is the last account I ever heard of Cooper.

6th Quest Joseph Blackmore never came from the Yadkin; he came from Fauquier County VA & settled on Clinch River built his fort & called it Fort Blackmore which name it bears to day he left this country before the Indian troubles were over with; his entire family escapt one son & one daughter both I have seen my self; they have bin dead siscty years ago. Joseph Blackmore finally settled in the State of Tennessee not fare from Nashville I cannot refer you to any of his descendants.

7th Quest Dave Cox died at his home on Stoney Creek one half mile north of Fort Blackmore about 80 years of age[.] He came from North Carolina he came to this county about 1791 he died about the year 1820.

· 474
8th Quest Where was Samuel Porter born: in Surry county N. Carolina – went to the relief of Boonesborough in Ky – in the Battle with the Indians at Blue Licks – then with Colo Bowman in the fight with the Indians near the line between the states of Ohio & Indiana in which fight he was wounded in the thigh, & was brought to the falls of the Ohio River where now stand the city of Lewisville [Louisville?], he remained there until he was able to travel late in the following November he then went to Boonsborough Ky & in the following June for his home on Clinch River. The Route he took /the valley of the Kentucky River then a wilderness uninhabited only by wild beasts on the 27th days travel he reach Porter’s Fort; his father had erected a mill which he had to pass before reaching the Fort – discovering a light in the Mill house, he with great

· 475
caution was approaching the Mill when he was hailed with who comes there in answer to which he gave his answer in masonic language which was answered masonicaly ________ ____ to. In a few minutes ha was directed in to the room where his father provided: you may imagine the scene that passed when he entered the lodge room of which he was a member. I will not continue this part of his history further: he lived but a few years after his return home from fatigue & exposure he died of consumption in 1791 & was buryed in the Porter Fort grave yard he died at the age of thirty-eight.

9th Quest Colo Snoddy went with a colony from Virginia to Ky. Settled in Madison County, 5 miles North of Richmond the county seat of said county, where a few years ago his descendants were living.

10th Quest Dale Carter is his true name.

· 476
My father Dale Carter was named after him.
11th Quest Calahan I have heard him spoken of—I cannot give anything that would be correct. For his history I will direct you to Colo Samuel Duff of Whites Burg Letcher County Kentucky whom I think can give you his history.

12th Quest. An attack on Youcam Station nothing I fear correct. I will direct you to Colo Duff the only person that knows of that can direct you to that can give you any thing like a correct statement.

13th Quest. With regard to the Carlisle Ky papers I have lost that paper & cannot find it.

14th Quest with regard to George Rogers Clarke all I can say with regards to Clark, he came once to Carters Fort in Rye Cove now Scott County as pay master In Colo Lewis Command which my father was a soldier.

· 48
The Indian Chief Logan commanded a band of Indians & harassed the settlements in the Clinch Valley several year, which in my next letter I will try & give you some of the particulars. I here stop for the present. To be continued by pages here after: my health to day not good enough to write longer.
This 26th Nov 1883
Yours Fraternally
Thomas W. Cater

[Notes in Draper’s handwriting continuing to the bottom of page 8]
Col. Wm Russell writes from So. West VA Sept 1783 to Gov Harrison, that Co. Arthur Campbell had charged Samuel Porter, a returned prisoner from Detroit with adhering to the enemy while in captivity at Detroit. Col. Russell states that Porter had been a worthy citizen of Virginia since 1769, & had proved his attachment to the American cause -- & thinks he is unjustly charged
Virginia Calendar of State Papers
Vol. III, 552

As Thos Carter says Porter was in the battle of the Blue Licks, I presume it was there he was taken prisoner. His name is not in the list of prisoners in the Haldiman [?] Papers in Vol 2, Vermont Hist. Collections.

Memo [on separate, thin piece of paper]
There seems to be some mistake on the part of Thos Cater abt. Sam. Porter having been in Blue Licks battle.
Capt. John Gass[?] in his notes states that Porter, who was badly wounded on Bowman’s campaign, returned to Boonesboro & before his wounds had fully recovered he started for Powell’s Valley country & his wounds broke out afresh & he died on the way, in the fall of 1779.

But Col. Russell’s letter on opposite page will prove that Capt Gass agreed in supposing Porter died in 1779 – that he must have been living in Sept 1783.

There were I think two Saml Porters -- the one noted by Gen. Russell must have been another person.

Saml. Porter in Capt Gass company on _____ Company ______________ [remaining notes here are difficult to read]

But Porter was in Holden’s company -- & Gass belonged to the same company
Collins Ky 1-13.

· 49
[Appears to be a continuation of letter to Draper from Carter]
Rye Cove Scott County VA December 5th 1883
Mr Lyman C. Draper Esq
Dear Sir I now write you relative to the Indian Chief Logan.

Capt John Logan supple and clean, he always wrote his name as above, he wrote three letters – he left one at the spring at Snoddys Fort after Snoddys fort was broke up & Snoddy moved to Kentucky, Mr. Cowen erected a fort on his land one & half miles west of Snoddys Fort where my grand Father Patrick Porter went with his brother in law William Cowen. The nesct summer the Chief Logan left at Cowens Fort a letter giving the reason why he became the enemy of the white people. He stated that another tribe of Indians made war on his Father’s tribe & killed all his people be being but a boy he fled to the whites, who taught him to read books & write letters for which he loved them; but a company of white men came on his wife & five little children & killed them all & there & then was not a human being through his vains flowed the blood of Logan. He was determined to have the scalpes of seven white men – not woman & children but warriors. The women & children never need fear Capt. John Logan supple & clean & his brave following. The nesct June following when they opened the fort gates & men went out to search out danger, if any, Katharine Porter, the youngest child of Patrick Porter, then a small girl with her bucket, was the first to reach

· 491
the spring & to her great surprise she there found a pile of clubs beautifully painted & a letter laying on top of them. She sat down her water vessel, gathered up the war clubs in her apron & letter in hand started to the fort holloring as loud as she could, frightening every one in fort, men came running, gun in hand -- her father & brother Samuel in lead. Her father said to her – “well cate, you have had a powerful fright with the Indians – you have whipped sixteen Indians & took there war clubs from them.” I have heard my mother tell the above more than a hundred times. In examining the letter it was signed by Logan & that as he had got revenge for his wife & children, he came to let them know that the Indians would be on them soon in great force – make your fort strong & be ready for them, that he his brave followers in evidence of friendship for the white people, had left the war clubs, they being vary tired had taken each a fine horse to ride home & hoped that Capt. Porter & his brave men would forgive them -- do not think that this is a lie. Sincerely your friends for ever,
Signed Capt John Logan Suple & clean
To Capt Patrick & his son Samuel Porter.
My mother, for she was Patrick Porters youngest child, kept the war club & letter for years. I myself have seen the club & letter, the writing on the letter had faded out so you could not read it – the club had Logan’s name wrote on it, the club was taken by some one – she never knew who it was. The account will be on Logan of Pages 11. I am not write long. T W Carter

· 492
The summer following Col Lewis had the fight with Indians on the Ohio river: account of the fight I refer you to the history of the Indian wars. Patrick Porter was Comm in charge under Lewis – remained there several days – Capt Logan came in the camp – he discovered Porter – he walked straight forward, his hand extended toward Porter, with a smile – “I know you – you are Patrick Porter; I want to be your friend – you don’t know me – I am Capt John Logan. Many times I could have killed you; but I loved you and would not.” He made inquiry about his son Samuel Porter. At that moment he say Samuel coming toward them; he points & says “yonder he comes” – when Samuel came to them, he says to him: “I am Logan; & was your friend – many times could have killed you , but would not. You were too good a man – you guarded the women & children, which made me love you & your Father & regard you as my friends forever.” They gave him there assurance of perpetual love and friendship. He then rehersed several occurrences that had taken place – one with regards to a large fine horse that was hitched to the fort gate. He had watched the horse all day; when night came on, he took a shock of top fodder that stood near the horse & put over him & gradually approached the horse but at this moment a child fell out of the bed & broke its arm, which caused such a fuss that he left the fodder and left. Did

· 493
you ever discover or notice that shock of fodder? “Yes,” said Samuel Porter, “The braking of the child’s arm saved Logan. I was on guard & guarding the fort gate & discovered the fodder moving towards the gate my gun cocked in the very act of shooting when you abandoned the fodder & ran away, I was in twenty feet of you with as good a gun as was ever fiard.” Logan replied the great spirit did not let one friend kill another; the day before they before they commenced there march for there homes Logan brought an Indian boy about 15 years old to Patrick Porter & requested him to take the boy home with him & educate him; he was an orphan without father and mother, & wanted to live with the white people & learn their books & wear clothes as they did. P. Porter refused to carrying the boy with him for fear it might insult the Indians. The third day after they had started at night the Indian boy came to P. Porter’s tent with a letter in his hand from Logan, stating that the Indians thought the boy was drowned in the river while they were crossing & that here would never be any fuss about it. The name of the Indian boy was Dale – to which they added Arter henc[e] he was known as Arter Dale he grew to manhood, married a white woman, raised a large family of respectable children; his descendants are yet living in VA. Arter Dale at an early age professed religion attaching him self to Methodist church & an able preacher in that church. My health has been very bad for some time. Yours Fraternally,
TW Carter
Post marked “Rye Cove Va. Feb 6, 1884” --

· 50
[Draper’s handwriting]
To Ths. W. Carter – Rye Cove Va

1st Tell me more fully abt Boone & Saml Porter’s Kentucky trip -- all the particular you can recall about it – what incidents occurred on the trip – what they went for – What parts of Kentucky they visited – Whether they met with Whites or Indians.

2nd What was Cooper’s first name?

3rd Cooper or Porter, made the long shot at the siege of Boonesboro, killing an Indian in a tree – what were the particulars?

4th Do you remember any incidents of Porter in the Blue Lick battle?

5th Do you know any trees or rocks on which Boone cut his name & date – if so, describe their locality.

6th Do you feel certain that Blackmore’s first name was Joseph? Why I have any doubts about it is that Haywood in his History of Tennessee published nearly 60 years ago call him Capt. John Blackmore that he moved to this Nashville on Cumberland County in 1780, with Jas Robertson & Col. Donelson’s immigrants, by water down the Tennessee, that

· 51
Blackmore was killed on the journey. Think of this matter, & write me.

7th Can you give any new facts about Boone’s defeat at Wallen’s Creek? How far was the spot of this defeat from Martin’s Station -- & how far from Cumberland Gap? Do you know the names of any of the families with Boone at this defeat?

Shall be glad to received the statement about Capt. Logan the Mingo Chief
LCD

Dec. 14th 83:
1. J. H. Duff says Boone lives in a fort at the mouth of Stock Creek – give the name of this fort, what you know of Boone’s living there. It seems to me a mistake.

2nd. Please make for me a rough map of the Counties of Blackamore’s Fort – Cowan’s at the union of a small stream next above Castles Run & Moore’s Fort a little below the mouth of Castle’s Run & between that & Sinking Creek.

So far as I have got information, particularly from an old man in Ky 40 years ago, who was a boy in Moore’s Fort, Boone lived in Moores or Cowans. Can you confirm this view – or give other information, from who derived?

Feb 14th 1884
Any traditions that Maj. Hugh McGass was one of Boone’s party of _____[?], when defeated by Indians, driven back in 1773 from Powell’s Valley? --Saml Porter a prisoner at Detroit –
Va Calendar State Papers, III, 552

· 52
[Thomas W. Carter’s handwriting]
March 13th - 20th 1884
I have here drew a rough map which I will try to explain on the other side of this leaf
[Map]

522
Moore’s Fort, you will discover is East of Tazwell Court house in Virginia. Fifty miles East of Cowens Fort and at the head of Bluestone, a small river running ____ -- a branch of New River. Shoddys Fort was one mile west of Castles Run. Cowen’s Fort was one & a half miles west of Snoddys Fort. Porter’s Fort was nine miles west of Cowans Fort. This last named fort was south of Clinch River. Porter’s Fort was one mile East of where Boone’s & Porter’s Road cross the River. Blackamores Fort was on the North Bank of the River, & Eight miles west of Porter’s Fort. Four miles below Blackamore’s Fort is where the Indians murdered John Carter’s wife & five children. The rode that was marked by Boone & Porter left the river at Blackamore’s Fort passed over a high table land of great fertility, known as Rye Cove where Thomas, Joseph & Norris Carter made a settlement & some fortifications, but could not sustain themselves. Norris Carter went back to Fort Blackamore. Thomas & Joseph went to Black’s Fort, where now stand the flourishing town of Abingdon, the county seat of Washington County, VA. They returned a few years afterwards, & made a permanent settlement – strengthened their fort. Carter’s settlement was the farthest such in the Clinch Valley. The settlement made by Boone on the Kentucky River was made before there was any other settlement but Snoddy’s, where Boone fell back to when the Indians killed his eldest son, & where Boone & Samuel Porter left when they made their trip into Kentucky. You asked me with regard to John Blackamore – he was a younger brother of Joseph Blackamore two of his brothers-in-law made a settlement on the Holston river, Isac Nash & Wm Nash which you will see is marked on the map, 30 miles S.E. of Fort Blackamore where now stands Blountsville, the county seat of Sullivan county, Tenn. At the time that Joseph left, his brother John & the two Nashes came to see him. The year following Capt John Blackamore & Isac Nash & others went down the Holston River in a boat & in passing through the Indian territory Capt. John Blackmore was killed by the Cherakee Indians. Carter’s Fort was 6 miles west of Fort Blackmore on Boone & Porter’s Road. The above _____ with regards to Carter &.

522
Blackamore was received from my father, Dale Carter who was the son of Norris Carter, who lived in Ft. Blackamore until the Indian war was ended, he then moved to his farm where John Carter’s family was killed. Lived there until his death in the year 1816. With regards to the statement of J. H. Duff that D. Boone lived in a fort at mouth of Stock Creek not correct – there never was a fort at that place. A man by the name of John Walling made a settlement there in 1790. The Chief Indian Benge & his clan made an attack on his house, his wife opened the door just at daylight, an Indian shot at her & slightly wounded her. She closed the door & boarded it. Wallen jumped from his bed & grabbed his gun & killed the Indian. They rushed upon his house, & did not retreat until he had killed three of the Indians. Wallen went to Carter’s Fort a distance of 8 miles. This was the commencement of the Benge war which lasted until Hobbes’ killed Benge in 1793.

March 13th 1884 I have been so feeble & health so bad for the last two months I had to cease trying to write. I am very feeble at this time, but will do the best I can & try & finish for fear I shall not live long. I will do the best I can with regard to Boone & Porter’s trip to KY. They went to ascertain where the Indians lived; they feared they had a settlement in Kentucky. They went down the Sandy River to where it emptied into the Ohio River, & down the Ohio came to a small river – up that river which they named Little Sandy turning west after traveling some distance they came to another large river; they followed that river & late one evening they came to an Indian camping ground. The appearance was fresh. In examining they found fire, they drew off & secreted themselves until morning. They found they (the Indians) had left. They followed the trail to the Ohio river, where they had crossed – they crossed on a raft which was tied on the Ohio side of the river. They returned back to the Indian camp – examined the place found a poke of salt made by the Indians & a small camp kettle in which they had made it. The place was a moving of Buffaloe, Elk & deer, they killed one fine fat buffalo & several deer one fine elk -- salted the meats with the Indian salt _____ the ____ noting which they used for bread; took some of the salt & traveled
[Draper’s handwriting]--*Wm Licking Blue Licks. LCD.

[T.C. Carter’s writing]
· 523
down on the west side of Licking Rive which name they gave to the rive; also from sediment on the bottom of the spring which showed blue appearances they named Blue Lick Spring; then down the Ohio river to the mouth of Kentucky River, which Boone knew; he had been there the year before. There Samuel Porter cut Boone & his own name on a beach also Kentucky River as he cut their names & Licking River at the mouth Licking. They then examined the country between the two Rivers back to the mountains; went to the place where Boone had selected to make his settlement, rested there several days – then down Kentucky river to the Ohio River down Ohio to the Falls, where afterwards S. Porter was carryed when wound[ed] by the Indians under Colo Bowman; down south until they were satisfied there was no Indian settlement in Kentucky. They then returned back to the place where Boone intended to make his settlement; they then went back to the Blue Licks to examine whether the Indians had been there since they were there; remained there a few days. While there, Porter cut on a rock with his knife there names, also the name of the River Blue Lick. The names they had given them the time they were burying the men that was killed (at the Blue Licks defeat, Aug. 17[??]) my unkle S. Porter went to the rock where he had cut Boone & his name, & cut the date of the Battle & number killed in the Battle, with his knife. On their return back to Snoddy’s Fort, they marked the trees on the top of Powell’s Mountain – they cut on the west side D.B. & on the east side S.P. which I have often looked at in passing that way on the top of a high ridge known as Cove Ridge & one mile east of Stock Creek a large white oak, that was marked D.B. on the west S.P. on the east side & stood there several years after I was a man groan.

I cannot write more at this time and shurly very feeble the weather very cold for the season – snowing at this time. I will try & write every day that my health will admit. I am certain you will be bothered to read & understand the rough ___ map on this sheet. I intended to draw this sheet anew, but feared I would not be able. I ___[?] send to you & finish the map on my nesct page.

March 20 1884 Yours truly TW Carter

· 53
Rye Cove Scott County Virginia April 7th 1884
(1773=75) Lyman C. Draper Esq –
[I offer?] my kindest respects & hoping your health is good. I am feeble – hardly able to write. You will please accept my thanks for the Kings Mountain History which you have presented to me which I highly appreciated. I have heard the old heroes that were in the fight talk the fight over time & again. Tow of them lived hear neighbours to my father. William Stewart & David Duly: both drew pensions for their services: Stewart lived to age of 96 years, & Neely lived to the age of 102 years – retained his mind until his death -- one month before his death, I visited him, & in conversation I brought up the Kings mountain Fight which seemed to stimulate him: he lead off in talk for over on hour the [?] of Colonel Campbell declared he was the bravest man he ever saw; he said the person who told him that Campbell left the fight & hid himself told a lie, for he was in 20 feet of Campbell when Ferguson’s army surrendered. He was a Christina & member of the Methodist Church for 75 years.

At the time the Virginians rendezvised near the Black Fort organized under Colo. Campbell to drive back Ferguson.

· 531
Patrick Porter raised 42 men in the Clinch Valley & met them at Blacks Fort & joined the Regiment [?] Campbell. At night they had a council of war, when it was agreed to send Porters company back to the Clinch Valley to guard the Frontier, expecting the move of Ferguson was to form a junction with the northern Indians. Next morning Porter with his company returned to the Clinch settlement[?] sent spies to the Cumberland Mountain range. There to keep a vigilant watch for the Indians. Several of them went as far as the Ohio River but no Indians appeared. As soon as the glad news came of the destruction of Ferguson & Tory Clan, Porter disbanded his company, they returned to their homes—

I have been trying to, & have every time I was able, answer your inquiries & furnishing the map I forwarded to you, which you state came safe to hand. I have now finished 2 more pages, but will finish 2 more pages before forward it to you.

Yours truly T.S. Carter

· 54
Rye Cove Scott County Va. January 1st 1885
Lyman C. Draper Esq.
Dear Friend
Yesterday I received your favour of the 3d Dec. 1884 propounding to question relative to the capture of s. Porter by the Indians I had answered that with other inquiry last summer. I wrote foreen pages & mailed to you; from your letter, it was mislayed – never came to your possession – the cause I had not wrote sooner I supposed you needed no further information from me. Samuel Porter never was captured by the Indians – the person who informed you about Porters capture by the Indians I suppose knows little or nothing with regard to the first settlers of Clinch Valley. S. Porter & J. Arter were what was then known as rangers; they guarded the passes in the Cumberland Mountains, and often discovered them crossing the mountain, when they would travel by & night to give the whites notice of their coming & thwart the Indians of their savage purpose of killing the whites. I will give an out line of the service rendered by S. Porter to his country which I received from my mother in my youthful days, which I have never forgot. Porter & Arter on the top of Cumberland Mountain some twelve miles west of now known as Pound one day discovered 27 Indians approaching near to themselves down the they chasing each three Indians & at both fired at the same time, each killing three Indians.

· 541
When the Indians took them selves down the one mountain & were directly out of sight loading their guns, they made there way back to the settlements & gave notice of the Indians, but they never came. He was in the fight under Colo Lewis on the Ohio River went to the relief of Boone’s fort of the Ky River was under Daniel Boone in the fight at the Blue Licks where his partner Arter was killed went with Colo Boman on the other side of Ohio River when he was wounded in the knee? carryed from the battle field by Cooper who killed the Indian. So grate was the distance at Boones Borrow, Porter was carryed to the Hills of Ohio now Lewisville in November. He went to Boons Fort of the Kentucky River & the June following to his Fathers at Porters Fort on Clinch River his health failing he lived there until his death which I have heretofore informed you.
[The following paragraph is ink-stained causing difficulty reading.]
With regards to the sickness raging in this county I have ____ from its actack a grate many have died it is nothing more nor less than bluddy Fl___ the most of the deaths asided____ by too much m____ set medicin. The nusepapers has given to the wor__ the most exagerated statements I eaver read though fatal enough my health as usual not g____ gradually waring _____ you can ___ to me for any information you ____ I can give & I will trie the best I can to ______ to gone I hope this letter will not _________ mailer as did my last.
Yours with _______
TW Carter

· 55
[Draper’s handwriting]
To TW Carter – Jan 28th 1885
Your letter of last summer, I am sorry to say, failed to reach me. Refer to my letter of Apl. 25th so as to suply again to the inquiries there, b_____ the one abt. Saml Porter’s captivity. I do not want to lose anything from you.
The evidence is strong that Arthur was a Majore at Detroit – (citing Col. Wm Russell’s letter of Sept. 1783, from Va Calendar Vol 3, 532 – def__ting Col Ar. Campbell’s charge that Porter while a prisoner at Detroit, adhered to the enemy. As Russell lives on Clinch, he must have known Porter well. Much better than Campbell could, who lived some 20 odd miles, east of Abingdon, at the Royal ___, & it must have been in Russell’s company, ___ on Clinch, that Porter served on the Point Pleasant campaign, 1774.
How or when Porter was captured, I have no means of learning. Very likely his sufferings while a prisoner tended to shorten his life.
Once when Indians stole horses from some of the Clinch stations, a party pursurers overtook the enemy & had something of a fight, recovered the horses. You speak of Porter & Arthurs meeting 27 Indians, some 12 miles west of Pound Gap, & firing on them. May there not have been others, with them -- & was the affair to which I have allude? When you say 12 miles west of Pound Gap – do you mean over the Mountain, for the heads of some of the streams, in now Letcher[?] County, Ky? Tell me the exact locality – or as exact as you know it.

· 56
Do you remember any incidents connected with Lewis’ battle at Point Pleasant which your mother use to relate – which she learned from Samuel Porter? If so, please note them down for me. That was a hard fought battle, & I want to learn all I can about it.
Tell me any thing further of J. Arthur – his first name in full – where from originally, & whether he was among the earliest settlers on Clinch?
On the map you sent me, you mark Boon’s path or trace by the way of Abingdon. Do you feel pretty certain that that was his route when he moved to the Clinch country -- ___ his son, & fell back to the Clinch forts? There are those who think he went by, or near where Elizabethtown now is, & thence on to Big Moccasin Gap. If you have any traditions about his route, tell them to me, & from who derived.
Did Jos. Blackmore leave descendants now in your part of Virginia? Did Arthur leave descendants?
LCD

· 57
[Draper’s handwriting]
Patk Porter’s service, 1758 in Augusta Co. Va _____vii, 195

[TW Carter’s handwriting]
Rye Cove Scott Co. Va April 18th 1885
To Mr. Lyman C. Draper Esq.
After a long & severe sickness I will try to answer your favour of the 28th January 1885 – very feeble which you will see from bad writing. Samuel Porter, my uncle, neaver was a prisoner with the Indians. Capt Russell you speak of was sent by Colo Lewis with an order to march immediately into near where Colo Lewis then lived, now ______k County Va. which order caused the Clinch Valley men to travel over one hundred & fifty miles further than necessary. Saml Porter told him while they were traveling around the world to get to the Ohio river, the Indians might come & lay the Clinch settlements waste, & kill the helpless men and women. Campbell ordered him to hush – if he spoke another word he would have him _____ ____ under guard ____ Colo Lewis _____. Porter told him, Campbell, he would not do that, he was not subject to his orders; he was with Arthur employed by the Governor of VA as rangers, working under orders as such. Campbell says “you are a damned liar; you & Arthur wants to run and warn the Indians of Lewis coming on strong”; to which Porter returned to him “that’s God Damned lie,” Campbell drew his sword & made at Porter. Porter stepped to his gun picked it, cocked it, brought it to his shoulder in the act of shooting, when his father, Patrick Porter, took hold of his gun & prevented his son from killing Campbell. He then ordered the Holston men to shoot Porter, where some 30 Clinch men took their guns, stepped from the crowd some forty yards distant, formed line, deterring the first man that raised his gun to shoot Porter.
[On the next page Draper has crossed out the words on each line of the page, this seems very odd]

· 571
had to die. They knew Porter he was a true man & good Christian ______man. For a few minutes all stood in suspense. Russell went to S. Porter’s father to taking a minute S. Porter to the Clinch men Russell to the Holston men talking with them; all was quiet in a few minutes. Then Clinch men proposed if Campbell & a few others would leave, they would lay down their arms & come to some agreement for further improvements. Campbell & about six or eight left. In less than one hour the arrangement was complete of the Clinch Valley men for their homes to _____ for a quick march the ____ ____ _____ Colo Lewis He traveled the Indian warpath that led them to a place where the Indians had made a ___ place, where ____ Russell ___ them; resting one day – then moved to the place where they were to

· 572
meet Colo Lewis. Campbell _____ charges against Porter – Russell informed Porter of the charges – Porter stood his trial & Russell defended him & he was honorably acquitted. Porter and Campbell never after met. The nesct morning where Lewis encamped the night before, John Arther & Wm Duncans horses strayed from the encampment, Arther & Duncan went in search for them, before they went forth of a mile, the Indians fired on them killing Duncan & slightly wounding Arther but did not prevent him from fighting. He fought through the entire day. The battle commenced at sunrise & continued till near the setting of the sun, when the Indians fled from the field. You wrote for incidents occurring on the day of the battle. When Arther was shot at by the Indians, he ran for the camp down a slopping ridge covered with green briars – jumping high over the briars hollowing “______ & marrow bones” – telling Colo Lewis
[text continues in Draper’s handwriting as though he copied from Carter’s letter]

· 573
that the entire hill was covered with Indians, and looked as black as blackbirds, but of the number he had no idea – but there were enough to give us a good fight, which proved true. Both sides fought bravely.
About ten o’clock, the Indians were re-enforced by from two to three hundred fresh warriors, beating back the whites to within three hundred yards of the baggage – when Col. Lewis ordered a retreat. His son* Capt. Lewis, ran to his father, telling him that a retreat would end in the destruction of almost the entire army -- & ordering the camp guard of two hundred men at least to form line & follow him on double-quick. And up the hill they went, every man hallooring at the top of his voice, and drove the Indians back near half a mile, where they took a strong position which they held until late in the evening – when Col. Lewis ordered a company to make a flank movement, which was promptly made falling upon the Indians near, fired a deadly volley into their back before they were apprised that the whites were in their rear – when they
*His brother, Col. Chs Lewis, I believe. LCD

· 574
fled like scared turkeys.
May 5th – I have been unable to write for a long time – a little improved; I hope, as the weather is becoming more better, that I shall improve in health, and I will be able to answer your questions, which I would like to do.
John Arther was an orphan boy – came to Clinch with Col. Snoddy. Saml Porter and Arther were employed by the Governor of Virginia as Indian Rangers at $6 per month – which service would commence the 1st of May & close the 1st of November, which service they performed for several years.
(1774) They knew the Indian traces, and it was while guarding one of those trails that they killed the Indians, and fled to the settlements to let the whites know of the approach of the Indians. The place was in a very low gap in the Cumberland Mountains, through which there has been a horse path for several years. The range of the Mountain is NE to SW.
I will close this sheet at present, & will commence another when I rest.
Yours truly – TW Carter

· 58
Samuel Porter’s Captivity
John Gass of Bourbon Co. Ky, who knew Samuel Porter at Boonesboro, told me or wrote me, that Porter after recovering from his broken leg on Bowman’s campaign in May, 1779, started for Powell’s Valley on Clinch, his ____ breaking put afresh up Kentucky river – in the fall of that year, or something to this effect.
Porter’s nephew, T.W. Carter, denies that Porter was captured & taken to Detroit. But as TW Carter was born till long after Porter had died, & had his information from his mother – Porter’s sister – I conclude as he remembered nothing of the captivity, he therefore concluded it could not have been so.
I should say this is the best explanation of the ____ that I can suggest. That on the way to Clinch, in the fall of 1779* Porter in company of others, encountered an Indian party too strong for the, in the melee, Porter was captured & taken to Detroit -- & perhaps there feigned to sympathize with the British in order to render his condition easier. At length as the war closed, he was sent to the States. Col. Ar. Campbell had an old wrangle with Porter, as TW Carter’s letter, Apl 10, 1885, show; & probably Campbell’s prejudices let him to adopt the story of
*Or in June 1780, as Ths W. Carter states.

· 59
Porter’s sympathy with the British when a prisoner at Detroit. Had he really such feelings, he would no doubt have remained there like the Girtys, McKees & others.
Very likely some of those who accompanies Porter in the fall of 1779, when he was captured, escaped, & returned to Boonesboro, reporting what they believed that he had been killed & through Capt Gass got his impression.
It must be an error that Porter was in Kentucky, as TW Carter states, in 1782, & served on the Blue Lick Campaign. If he had been in Ky after the fall of 1779, Capt. Gass would have known it – for his memory was good on historical matters -- & was especially bright & reliable on all Boonesboro matters.

Col. Alex r Bennett, of Russell Co. Va. wrote May 15, 1792
“On the 20th of April a band of Indians came into the Rye Cove settlement & carried off 3 boys, two of them name of Carter, & a negro belonging to the same name but did not kill any in the settlement. One of the boys captured is a son of Mr. Thos Carter a representation of the county.

---
J.H. Duff writes, Big Stone Gap, Va, April 18th 1887, that “TW Carter died about a year ago.”

A Brief Account of the Travels of John Peter Salley,

2005-07-08T10:32:00.000-05:00

"It may be necessary before I enter upon the particular passage of my Travels, to inform my Reader, that what they are to meet with in the following Narrative, is only what I retained in my Memory; For when we were taken by the French we were robbed of all of our papers, that contained any writings relative to our Travels."

1740. In the year 1740, I came from Pennsylvania to that part of Orange County now called Augusta; and settled in a fork of the James River close under the Blue Ridge of Mountains on the West Side, where I now live.[3]

1741/42. In the month of March, 1741/42 One John Howard came to my house, and told me, that he had received a Commission from our Governor to travel the westward of this Colony, as far as the River Mississippi, in order to make Discovery of the Country, and that as a reward for his labour, he had the promise of an Order of Council for Ten Thousand Acres of Land; and at the same time obliged himself to give equal shares of said Land to such men as would go in Company with him to search the Country as above. Whereupon I and other two men, Viz. [John Poteat] and Charles Sinclair [his own son Josiah Harwood having already joined with him] entered into Covenant with him, binding ourselves to each other in a certain writing, and accordingly prepared for our Journey in a very unlucky hour to me and my poor family.

1741/42. On the sixteenth of March, 1742, we set off from my House and went to Cedar Creek about five miles, where is a Natural Bridge over said Creek, reaching from the Hill on the one side to the Hill on the other. It is a solid Rock and is two hundred and three feet high, having a very large Spacious arch, where the water runs thro', we then proceeded as far as Mondongachate, now called woods River, which is eighty five miles, where we killed five buffaloes, and with their hides covered the Frame of a Boat; which was so large as to carry our Company, and all our provisions and Utensels, with which we passed down said River two hundred and fifty two miles as we supposed, and found it very Rocky, having a great many Falls therein, one of which we computed to be thirty feet perpendicular and all along surrounded with inaccessible Mountains, high precipices, which obliged us to leave said River. We went then a south west course by Land eight five Miles, where we came to a small River and there we made a little Boat, which carried only two men and our provisions. The rest travelled by Land for two Days and then we came to a large River, where we enlarged our Barge, so as she carried all our Company, and whatever loading we had to put into her. We supposed that we went down this River Two Hundred and Twenty Miles, and had a tolerable good passage; there being only tow places, that were difficult by reason of Falls. Where we came to this River the Country is mountainous, but the farther down the plainer in those mountains, we found plenty of coals, for which we named it Coal River. Where this River and Woods river meets the North Mountains end, and the Country appears very plain and is well water'd, there are plenty of Rivulets, clear Fountains and running Streams and very fertile Soil. From the mouth of Coal River, to the River Alleghany we computed to be ninety two miles and on the sixth day of May we came to Allegany which we supposed to be three Quarters of a mile, [broad] and from here to the great Falls on this River is reckoned four hundred and fourty four Miles, there being a large Spacious open Country on each side of the River, and is well watered abounding with plenty of Fountains small streams and large Rivers; and is very high and fertile soil. At this time we found the Clover to be as high as the middle of a man's leg. In general the Woods over the Land is Ridgey, but plain, well timbered and hath plenty of all kinds of Wood, that grows in Common with us in this Colony (excepting pine). The falls mentioned above are three miles long in which a small Island, the body of the Stream running on the North side, through which is no passing by reason of great Rocks and large Whirlpools, by which we went down on the south side of said Island without much Danger or Difficulty and in time a Fresh in the River, men may pass either up or down, they being active or careful. About twenty Miles below the Falls the Land appeared to be somewhat Hilly the Ridges being higher, and continued so for the Space of fifty Miles down the River, but neither Rocky nor Stoney, but a rich Soil as is above mentioned. Joyning this high Land below is a very level flat Country on both sides of the River, and is so far an Hundred and fifty Miles, abounding with all the advantages mentioned above, and a much richer Soil; We then met with a kind of Ridge that seemed to Extend across the Country as far as we could view and bore North and South. In Seven Miles we passed it, when we found the Country level [as is mentioned before], but not having such plenty of running Streams, yet a richer Soil. On the seventh day of June we entered into the River Missisippi, which we computed to be five miles wide, and yet in some places it is not above one mile over, having in most places very high Banks, and in other places it overflows. The current is not swift but easy to pass either up or down, and in all our passage we found great plenty of Fish, and wild fowl in abundance. In the River Missisippi above the mouth of Alleghany is a large Island on which are three Towns inhabited by the French, who maintain Commerce and Trade both with the French of Cannada, and those French on the mouth of the said River. In the fork between Allegany and Missisippi are certain Salt Springs, where the Inhabitants of the Towns mentioned above make their Salt. Also they have there a very rich Lead Mine which they have opened and it affords them a Considerable gain. From the Falls mentioned above in the River Allegany to the mouth of said River is four Hundred fifty Miles, from thence to the Town of New Orleans is One Thousand four Hundred and ten Miles, and is Uninhabited excepting fifty Leagues above New Orleans. It is a large spacious plain Country endowed with all the natural Advantages, that is a moderate healthy Climate, Sweet water, rich Soil, an pure fresh Air, which contribute to the Benefit of Mankind. We held on our passage down the River Missisippi [until] the second day of July, and about nine o'clock in the Morning we went on Shore to cook our Breakfast. But we were suddenly surprised by a Company of Men, Viz. to the Number of Ninety, Consisting of French men Negroes, & Indians, who took us prisoners and carried us to the Town of New Orleans, which was bout one Hundred Leagues from us when we were taken, and further being examined upon Oath before the Governor first separately one by One, and then All together, we were committed to close Prison, we not knowing then [ nor even yet] how long they intended to confine us there. During our stay in Prison we had allowed us a pound and half of Bread a man each Day, and Ten pound of pork p Month for each man. Which allowance was duly given to us for the space of Eighteen Months, and after that we had only one pound of Rice Bread, and one pound of Rice for each man p Day, and one Quart of Bear's Oil for each man p. Month, which allowance was continued to us untill I made my Escape. Whilst I was confined in Prison I had many Visits made to me by the French and Dutch who lived there, and grew intimate and familiar with some of them, by whom I was informed of the Manner of Government is Tyrannical, The Common People groan under the Load of Oppression, and Sigh for Deliverance. The Governor is the Chief Merchant, and inhances all the trade into his own hands, depriving the Planters of selling their Commodities to any other, but himself, and allowing them only such prices as he pleases. And with respect to Religion, there's little to be found amongst them, but who profess any Religion at all, it's the Church of Rome. In the Town are nine Clergymen four Jesuits and five Capuchin Friers. They have likewise one Nunnery in which are nine Nuns. Notwithstanding the Fertility and Richness of the Soil, The Inhabitants are generally poor as a Consequence of the Oppression they meet with from their Rulers, neither is the Settling of the Country, or Agriculture in any Measure encouraged by the Legislature. One thing I had almost forgot, Viz. we were told by some of the French who first settled there, that about forty years ago, when the French first discovered the place, and made attempt to settle therein, there were then pretty many English settled on both sides of the River Missisippi, and one Twenty Gun Ship lay in the River, what became of the Ship we did not hear, but we were informed that the English Inhabitants were all destroyed by the Natives by the Instigation of the French.
I now begin to speak of the strength of the Country, and by the best Account I cou'd gather I did not find, that there are aboe four Hundred and fifty effective Men of the Militia in all the Country, and not above one Hundred and fifty Soldiers under pay in and about the Town of New Orleans, 'tis true they have Sundry Forts in which they keep some men, but they are so weak and despicable as not worth taking notice of, with regard to the Strengthening of the County, having in some of them only six men, in other Ten men, the strongest of all those places is at the Mouth of the Missisippi In which are thirty Men, and Fifty Leagues from thence is a Town called Mumvell nine Leagues from the Mouth of a River of the same Name in which is a Garrison, that Consists of Seventy Soldiers.
After I had been confined in close Prison above two Years, and all Expectation of being set at Liberty failing, I begun to think of making my Escape out of Prison, one of which I put in Practice, and which Succeeded in the following Manner. There was a certain French Man, who as born in that Country, and had some time before sold his Rice to the Spaniards for which he was put in Prison, and it Cost him six Hundred Peices of Eight before he got clear. He being tired with the Misery and Oppression under which the poor Country People Labour, formed a Design of removing his Family to South Carolina. Which Design was discovered, and he was again put in Prison in the Dungeon, and made fast in Irons, and after a formal Tryal, he was condemned to be a Slave for Ten Years, besides the expense of seven Hundred peices of Eight. With this Miserable French Man I became intimate & Familiar, and as he as an active man, and knew the Country he promised, if I could help him off with this Irons, as we all got clear of the Prison, he would conduct us safe untill we were out of Danger. We then got a small file from a Soldier wherewith to cut the Irons and on the 25th day of October, 1744 we put our Design in Practice. While the French man was very busie in the Dungeon in cutting the Irons, we were as industrious without in breaking the Door of the Dungeon, and Each of us finished our Jobb at one Instant of time, which had held us for about six hours; by three of the Clock in the Morning with the help of a Rope which I had provided beforehand, we let our Selves down over the Prison Walls, and made our Escape Two Miles from the Town that night, where we lay close for two days. We then removed to a place three Miles from the Town, where one of the good old Fryers of which I spoke before, nourished us four Days. One the Eight Day after we made our Escape, we came to a Lake seven Leagues from the Town but by this Time we had got a Gun and some Ammunition, the next Day we shot two large Bulls, and with their Hides made us a boat, in which we passed the Lake in the Night. We tied the Shoulder Blades of the BULLS to small sticks, which served us for paddles and passed a point, where there were thirteen man lay in wait for us, but Thro' Mercy we escaped from them undiscovered. After we had gone by Water sixty miles we went on Shore, we left our Boat as a Witness of our Escape to the French. We travelled thirty miles by Land to the River Shaktare, where our French man's father lived. In this Journey we passed thro' a Nation of Indians, who were very kind to us, and Carried us over two large Bays. In this place we tarried Two Months and ten Days in very great Danger, for which was made for us everywhere by Land and Water and Orders to Shoot us when found. Great Rewards were promised by the Governor to the King of the Indians [mentioned above] to take us, which he refused, and in the meantime was very kind by giving provisions and informing us of our Danger from time to time. After they had given over Searching for us, and we having got a large Periaugue and other necessary things for our voyage, and on the 25th of January our French man and one Negro boy [which he took to wait on him] and another French man and we being all armed and well provided for our Voyage, we set off at a place called the belle Fountain [or in English fine Spring] and Sailed fifty Leagues to the head of St. Rose's Bay, and there left our Vessel and travelled by Land Thirty Leagues to the Fork Indians, where the English trade. Then there were three with them, and there we stayed five Days. The Natives were to us kind and generous, there we left the two French men and Negro boy, and on he tenth of February we set off and Travelled by Land up the River Giscaculfufa or Biscaculfufa, one Hundred and thirty five Miles, passing several Indian Towns the Natives being very hospitable and kind, and came to one Finlas an Indian Trader, who lives among the Ugu Nation. On the first of March we left Mr Finlas, and on the sixteenth we arrived at fort Augustus in the Province of Georgia. On the ninteenth instant we left for Augustus and on the first of April we arrive at Charles Town, and waited on the Governor, who examined us Concerning our Travels & c. and he detained us in Charles Town eighteen Days, and made us a present of eighteen pounds of their Money, which did no more than defray our Expences whilst in that Town.
I had delivered to the Governor a Copy of my Journal, which when I asked again he refused to give me, but having obtained from him a Pass we went on board of a small Vessel bound for Virginia. On the Thirteenth of April, the same Day about two of the Clock we were taken by the French in Cape Roman and kept Prisoners till eleven of the Clock next Day, at which time the French after having robbed us of all the Provisions we had for our Voyage or Journey, put us into a Boat we being twelve men in Number, and so left us to the Mercy of the Seas and Winds.
On the fifteenth instant we arrived again in Charles Town and were examined before the Governor concerning our being taken by the French. We were now detained three Days before we could get another Pass from the Governor, we having destroyed the former, when we were taken by the French, and then were dismissed, being in a strange Place, far from Home, destitute of Friends, Cloathing, Money and Arms, and in that deplorable Condition had been obliged to undertake a Journey of five Hundred Miles, but a Gentleman, who was Commander of a Privateer, and then lay at Charles Town with whom we had discoursed several times, gave to each of us a Gun and a Sword, and would have given us Ammunition, but that he had but little. On the Eighteenth Day of April, we left Charles Town, the second time, and travelled by Land, and on the seventeenth Day of May, 1745 we arrived at my House, having been absent three years Two Months and one Day, from my family, having in that time by the nicest Calculation I am able to make, travelled by Land and Water four thousand six hundred and six Miles since I left my own House till I returned Home again.
p. John Peter Salley. "

[1] Border Warfare, 1831, p. 42. This, the most circumstantial, assigns to John Salling six years of captivity among the Cherokees with incidental travels from Canada to Florida. Winsor [ Mississippi Basin, pp. 168, 179] apparently accepted this tradition as more probable than the one of the New Orleans journey, if, indeed, he appreciated that Salling and Salley were the same man.

[2] Salley permitted others also to copy his journal. Mr. Thwaites says [in the note in his edition of Withers Border Warfare], "Salling kept a journal which was extant in 1745, for in the Wisconsin Historical Society's library is a diary kept by Capt. John Buchanan, who notes that in that year he spent two days in copying a part of it." Dr. John Mitchell, the Virginia botanist, also had seen it and made use of it in drawing that great map of 1755 on which the British government subsequently placed so much reliance. In his "Remarks on the Journal of Batts and Fallam" [Alvord, First Explorations, p.204], Dr. Mitchell says "in 1739 and 1740 [sic] a Party of People were sent out by the Government of Virginia and traversed the whole Countrey down Wood River and River Ohio to the Missisipi and down that River to New Orleans: whose journals I have seen and perused and have made a draught of the countrey from them and find they agree with other and later accounts."

[3] John Peter Salling had a patent [Virginia Land Register, xix, 997] dated July 6, 1741, for 400 acres "in that part of Orange County called Augusta in the first fork of James River on the West side of the blue Ridge of Mountains." Fry identified the site with Salley's name on his map, at a point on James River just above Balcony Falls, in what is now Rockbridge. It appears from Chalkley, Abstracts from the Records of Augusta County, Virginia [1912], that the author of the Journal was a member of Capt. John McDowell's company before his expedition with Howard. [ The muster roll among the Preston Papers in the Wisconsin Historical Society, printed by Chalkley, ii, 507, is not dated but is related by Waddell to 1742. The fact that Salley is on it would indicate that it must have been made before March 1741/2] and, in 1746, after his return, "qualified as Captain of Foot." [Augusta Order Book, i, 135] In February, 1747/8, he had his lands processioned and, after several real estate transactions and a suit for breach of promise of marriage on behalf of a daughter, died in 1755, leaving a will dated 25 December, 1754 [proved 19 March, 1755, Augusta W. B., ii pp. 92, III, 124]. Two of his sons, George Adam and John, who took the James River lands under the will sold them in 1760 and 1762, describing themselves at first as "of Cumberland County, North Carolina," and later, "of Orange County, North Carolina." [Augusta D. B., ix, 25; xi, 34]
The "descendants of John Peter Salling" who made statements in 1848, for Dr. Draper, lived in Rockbridge, but Dr. Draper recorded that others were then living in Tennessee and Kentucky who spelled their name Sallee. In Augusta records it is spelled variously Salley, Sally and Salling.

Whatever was the original name our John Peter was undoubtedly one of the Switzers who came to Virginia through Pennsylvania as a consequence of the activities of Michel and Graffenried [ Va. Mag. xxix, I] and must be distinguished from that Pierre [Peter] Salle who was peacefully baptizing children in the Huguenot colony at Manakintown during the years John Peter was absent on his travels.
[ Brock Huguenot Emigration to Virginia, 1886, pp. 103, 113].
Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., of the Historical Commission of South Carolina, advises that the Salley family of that State descends from Henry Salley, who had land laid out for him in Orangeburgh Township in 1735, or sometime before John Peter says he left Pennsylvania.

Annals of Augusta County, Virginia

pg. 496
25th November, 1751
John Peter Salling and Ann, to Henry Fuller and Catharine, 130 acres on No. Br. James

pg. 99
28th November, 1751, Same to John Peter Sally, 100 acres, patented as above, on James River. James Trimble.

pg. 75
November 23, 1753
John Mathews to be overseer of road from North Fork of James River, near John Mathew's, to Renix's Road, with these workers: Henry Brown, John Smiley, James Trimble, John Berriford, James Edmondson, Wm. Edmondson, Michael Finney, Wm. Holdman, Stephen Arnold, Hugh Means, John Harger, Wm. Scot, Edward Bishop, Alxr. McCorkall, Pat.McCarkall, Henry Fuller, Joseph Pain, Edwd. Baley, James Baley, John Peter Salling, Jas. Simpson, James Wolson, Elexr. Beggs, John Mathews, Joshua Mathews, John Maxwell, Jas. Frazier, John Hutcheson, Senr., John Hutcheson, Jr., George Salling, Richd. Beton, Wm. Boil, John Sprowl, John Smith, Saml. McClure, John Smiley, John McCuley, Richd. Mathews, Sampson Mathews, Daniel Snacion, Saml. Paxton, Wm. Paston, John Oleston, Samuel Oleston, Saml. Walker.

March 23, 1754
[126] Road ordered from Campbell's School House to Renix's Road - Saml. Walker, overseer - with these workers: William Bradshaw, John Maxwell, James Frazier, John McColley, John Peter and George Salley, Henry Fuller, Joseph Ryan, John Hutchings, John Hutchings, Jr., John Sprowl, Mathew Vance, Richard Benton, Wm. Burt, John Smith, Joseph Smith, John Allison, Wm. Byers, Richard Mathews, Sampson Mathews, Saml. Walker, Thos. Shaw, Stephen Arnold, John Peteet, Wm. Noble, Saml. Allison.

20 March, 1754
[110] Henry Fuller - common disturber of peace.

pg. 277
25th April, 1754
John Peter Salling and Ann to Sampson Mathews, 180 acres on North Branch, James River; corner Henry Fullers land; corner William Henderson's land. Test: Henry Fuller

pg. 487
22 November, 1754
Sampson Mathews, farmer, to John Mathews, Jr., farmer, 5#, 180 acres on North Branch of James; corner Henry Fuller; corner Wm. Henderson; conveyed to Sampson in May, 1754, by John Peter Salling. Delivered: James Lockhart, June, 1757

pg. 92
25th December, 1754
John Peter Salling's will, farmer, to daughter, Catherine Fooler, 1 shilling; to daughter, Mary Elizabeth Burton, 1 shilling; to John Salling, son of daughter Catherine, that she had soon after she married Henry Fooler, 100 acres known as the Meadow entry. To sons, George Adam and John Salling; to son, John, tract testator lives on, and also tract Peter Crotingal lives on, and horse bought from Joseph Burton, and a horse running at Hart's Bottom., John is infant. Executors George Adam Salling. Test: Jos. Bryan [Ryan], James Randall, Richard Borland? Burton? Boston?. Proved, 19th March, 1755 by Ryan and Randall.

pg. 111
22 May 1755
George Adam Salling's bond as executor of John Peter Salling, with sureties, James McDowell, Robert Renick, Joshua Mathews. [Note - 2 pages, each numbered 112 and 113]

pg. 124
26 July, 1755
John Peter Salling's appraisement

pg. 175
1756
Processioned by Robt. Rennick and John Mathews, Jr., viz: For Henry Fuller, for George Adam Saling, for Alex. Baggs, for John Mathews, Jr. , for Robt. Renick.
pg. 25

26th September, 1760
George Adam Salling, of Cumberland County, North Carolina, and John Salling of Orange County, North Carolina, to John Paxton, 120#, 200 acres, part of 400 patented to John Peter Salling, deceased, 6th July, 1741, and bequeathed in his will to grantors in the first fork of James, corner, George Adam Salling. Delivered: John Paxton, December, 1762

pg. 53
25th September, 1761
Henry Fuller, of Orange County, North Carolina, to John Paxton, 125#, 190 acres on North Branch James River, being the farm where Henry formerly lived. Delivered: John Paxton, December, 1762

pg. 34
24 September, 1762
George Adam Salling, of Orange County, North Carolina, to George Salling, 170#, 200 acres in first fork of James River; cor. John Paxton's land. Test : Andrew Evins, Christopher Vingard. Delivered: Jacob JHickman, 1 June, 1789, by written order from Peter Salling.

pg. 583
10 May 1764
George Adam Salling, of Orange County, North Carolina, and Joseph Burton and Margaret Elizabeth [ ], of Saint Mathew's Parish and upper district of Abenezer in the Province of Gerogie, to Thomas Paxton, millwright, 180#, 200 acres on east side North Branch of James River; Henry Fuller's corner. Test: Nathaniel Evins. Delivered: Thos. Paxton, June, 1766

Salling vs. Salling - O. S. 287; N. S. 101 - Patent, 6th July, 1741, to John Peter Salling [Salley], 400 acres in that part of Orange called Augusta in first Fork of James. Will of George Salling of Rockbridge. Wife, Hannah; son, Henry [infant]; son, Peter; son, George; son, John, six daughters; daughter, Agnes; daughter, Peggy. Recorded in Rockbridge, 2 December, 1778

Fort Robinson & Fort Henry

2005-05-09T14:37:00.000-05:00

Actually the two forts were probably one and the same structure. Fort Robinson was British and Fort Henry, short for Patrick Henry, was American.

This Revolutionary War-era fort was located on the north side of the South Fork of the Holston River near the upper end of Long Island at present-day Kingsport. Its predecessor was a fort constructed in the winter of 1760-61 by Colonel William Byrd, who was leading about 600 Virginians against the Cherokees after the Fort Loudoun massacre. This fort was named Fort Robinson in honor of John Robinson, one of Byrd's partners in a Virginia lead mine. Fort Robinson was described as a stockaded fort with bastions and supporting structures within the enclosure.In September 1776 Lieutenant Colonel William Russell, commanding the Fincastle Rangers, established Fort Patrick Henry on or near the site of Fort Robinson. The stockade wall with bastions at the corners enclosed three acres on the bluff of the Holston River. This fort was used in the war against the Cherokees. A force of approximately 200 Cherokee warriors commanded by Dragging Canoe attacked the Holston settlements and was defeated in the battle of Long Island Flats on July 20, 1776. In September of the same year men from Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia gathered at Fort Patrick Henry for a campaign against the Cherokees. The combined force of 2,400 under the command of General Griffith Rutherford of North Carolina soundly defeated the Cherokees, who sued for peace. The conflict ended with the signing of the Avery Treaty in 1777 on the Long Island of the Holston. Fort Patrick Henry was garrisoned throughout the remainder of the Revolution.

Benjamin C. Nance, Tennessee Division of Archaeology

Source: http://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/

The Expedition of Batts and Fallam

2005-04-19T07:31:00.000-05:00

John Clayton's Transcript of the Journal of Robert Fallam

Extract from a letter of John Clayton to the Royal Society, August 17, 1688

& "John Mitchell's Remarks on the Journal of Batts and Fallam"

A Journal from Virginia, beyond the Apailachian mountains, in Sept. 1671. Sent to the Royal Society by Mr. Clayton, and read Aug. 1, 1688, before the said Society142 Thomas Batts,143 Thomas Woods and Robert Follows 144 having received a commission from the honourable Major General Wood for the finding out the ebbing and flowing of the Waters on the other side of the Mountaines in order to the discovery of the South Sea accompanied with Penecute a great man of the Apomatack Indians and Jack Weason, formerly a servant to Major General Wood with five horses set for ward from the Apomatacks town about eight of the clock in the morning, being Friday Sept. I, 1671. That day we145 traveled above forty miles, took up our quarters and found that we had travel'd from the Okenechee path due west.
Sept. 2. we traveled about forty-five miles and came to our quarters at Sun set and found we were to the north of the West.
Sept. 3. we traveled west and by south and about three o'clock came to a great swamp a mile and a half or two miles over and very difficult to pass. we led our horses thro' and waded twice over a River emptying itself in Roanoake River. After we were over we went northwest and so came round and took up our quarters west. This day we traveled forty miles good.
Sept 4. We set forward and about two of the clock arriv'd at the Sapiny * Indian town. We travelled south and by west course till about even[ing] and came to the Saponys west. Here we were very joyfully and kindly received with firing of guns and plenty of provisions. We here hired a Sepiny Indian to be our guide towards the Teteras, 146 a nearer way than usual.
Sept. 5. Just as we were ready to take horse and march from the Sapiny's about seven of the clock in the Morning we heard some guns go off from the other side of the River. They were siven Apomatack Indians sent by Major General Wood to accompany us in our Voyage. We hence sent back a horse belonging to Mr. Thomas Wood, which was tired, by a Portugal, belonging to Major General Wood, whom we here found.147 About eleven of the clock we set forward and that night came to the town of the Hanathaskies which we judge to be twenty-five miles from the Sapenys, they are lying west and by north in an Island on the Sapony River,148 a rich Land.
Sept. 6. About eleven of the clock we set forward from the Hanathaskies; but left Mr. Thomas Wood at the town dangerously sick of the Flux, and the horse he rode on belonging to Major General Wood was likewise taken with the staggers and a failing in his hinder parts. Our course was this day West and by South and we took up our quarters West about twenty miles from the town. This afternoon our horses stray'd away about ten of the clock.149
Sept. 7. We set forward, about three of the clock we had sight of the mountains, we travelled twenty-five miles over very hilly and stony Ground our course westerly.
Sept. 8. We set out by sunrise and Travelled all day a west and by north course. About one of the clock we came to a Tree mark'd in the past with a coal M.A N I. About four of the clock we came to the foot of the first mountain went to the top and then came to a small descent, and so did rise again and then till we came almost to the bottom was a very steep descent. We travelled all day over very stony, rocky ground and after thirty miles travill this day we came to our quarters at the foot of the mountains due west. We past the Sapony River twice this day.
Sept. 9. We were stirring with the Sun and travelled west and after a little riding came again to the Supany River where it was very narrow, and ascended the second mountain which wound up west and by south with several springs and fallings, after which we came to a steep descent at the foot whereof was a lovely descending Valley about six miles over with curious small risings...150 Our course over it was southwest. After we were over that, we came to a very steep descent, at the foot whereof stood the Tetera Town151 in a very rich swamp between a branch and the main River of Roanoke circled about with mountains. We got thither about three of the clock after we had travelled twenty-five miles. Here we were exceedingly civilly entertain'd.
[Sept. 9-11] Saturday night, Sunday and monday we staid at the Toteras. Perceute being taken very sick of a fever and ague every afternoon, not withstanding on tuesday morning about nine of the clock we resolved to leave our horses with the Toteras and set forward.152
Sept. 12. We left the town West and by North we travell'd that day sometimes southerly, sometimes westerly as the path went over several high mountains and steep Values crossing several branches and the River Roanoke several times all exceedingly stony ground until about four of the clock Perceute being taken with his fit and verry weary we took up our quarters by the side of Roanoke River almost at the head of it at the foot of the great mountain. Our course was west by north, having travill'd twentyfive miles. At the Teteras we hired one of their Indians for our Guide and left one of the Apomatock Indians there sick.153
Sept. 13.154 In the morning we set forward early. After we had travelled about three miles we came to the foot of the great mountain and found a very steep ascent so that we could scarse keep ourselves from sliding down again. It continued for three miles with small intermissions of better way. right up by the path on the left we saw the proportions of the Mon.155 (whereof they have given an account it seems in a former relation which I have not. - Note by Mr. Clayton). When we were got up to the Top of the mountain and set down very weary we saw very high mountains lying to the north and south as far as we could discern. Our course up the mountain was west by north. A very small descent on the other side and as soon as over we found the values tending westerly. It was a pleasing tho' dreadful sight to see the mountains and Hills as if piled one upon another. After we had travelled about three miles from the mountains, easily descending ground about twelve of the clock we came to two trees mark'd with a coal MA NI. the other cut in with MA and several other scratchments.
Hard by a Run just like the swift creek at Mr. Randolph's in Virginia,"' emptying itself sometimes westerly sometimes northerly with curious meadows on each [side. Going forward we found rich ground but having curious rising hills and brave meadows with grass about man's hight. many rivers running west-north-west and several Runs from the southerly mountains which we saw as we march'd, which run northerly into the great River. After we had travelled about seven miles we came to a very steep descent where are found a great Run,157 which emptied itself so we supposed into the great River northerly, our course being as the path went, west-south-west. We set forward west and had not gone far but we met again with the River, still broad running west and by north. We went over the great run emptying itself northerly into the great River. After we had marched about six miles northwest and by north we came to the River again where it was much broader than at the two other places. It ran here west and by south and so as we suppose round up westerly. Here we took up our quarters, after we had waded over, for the night. Due west, the soil, the farther we went [is] the richer and full of bare meadows and old fields."' ["Old fields" is a common expression for land that has been cultivated by the Indians and left fallow, which are generally overrun with what they call broom grass. - MR. CLAYTON.]
Sept.14. We set forward before sunrise our provisions being all spent we travel'd as the path went sometimes westerly sometimes southerly over good ground but stony, sometimes rising hills and then steep Descents as we march'd in a clear place at the top of a hill we saw lying south west a curious prospect of hills like waves raised by a gentle breese of wind rising one upon another. Mr. Batts supposed he saw sayles; but I rather think them to be white clifts.160 We marched about twenty miles this day and about three of the clock we took up our quarters to see if the Indians could kill us some Deer. being west 'and by north, very weary and hungry and Perceute continued very ill yet desired to go forward. We came this day over several brave runs and hope tomorrow to see the main River again.
Sept. 15. Yesterday in the afternoon and this day we lived a Dog's life- hunger and ease. Our Indians having done their best could kill us no meat. The Deer they said were in such herds and the ground so dry that one or other of them could spy them. About one of the clock we set forward and went about fifteen miles over some exceedingly good, some indifferent ground, a west and by north course till we came to a great run that empties itself west and by north as we suppose into the great River which we hope is nigh at hand. As we march'd we met with some wild gooseberries and exceeding large haws with which we were forced to feed ourselves.
Sept 16. Our guides went from us yesterday and we saw him no more till we returned to the Toras.161 Our Indians went aranging betimes to see and kill us some Deer or meat. One came and told us they heard a Drum and a Gun go off to the northwards. They brought us some exceedingly good Grapes and killed two turkies which were very welcome and with which we feasted ourselves and about ten of the clock set forward and after we had travelled about ten miles one of our Indians killed us a Deer and presently afterwards we had sight of a curious River like Apamatack River.162 Its course here was north and so as we suppose runs west about certain curious mountains we saw westward. Here we had up our quarters, our course having been west. We understand the Mohecan 163 Indians did here formerly live. It cannot be long since for we found corn stalks in the ground.
Sept. 17. Early in the morning we went to seek some trees to mark our Indians being impatient of longer stay by reason it was like to be bad weather, and that it was so difficult to get provisions. Vice found four trees exceeding fit for our purpose that had been half bared by our Indians, standing after one the other. We first proclaimed the King in these words: "Long live Charles the Second, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France. Ireland and Virginia and of all the Territories thereunto be longing, Defender of the faith etc." firing some guns and went to the first tree which we marked thus [symbol] with a pair of marking irons for his sacred majesty. Then the next [symbol] for the right honourable Governor Sir William Berkley, the third thus [symbol] for the honourable Major General Wood. The last thus: [symbol] RF. P. for Perceute who said he would learn Englishman."' And on another tree hard by stand these letters one under another'' TT. NP. VE. R after we had done we went ourselves down to the river side; but not without great difficulty it being a piece of very rich ground where on the Moketans166. had formerly lived, and grown up with weeds and small prickly Locusts and Thistles to a very great height that it was almost impossible to pass. It cost us hard labour to get thro'. When we came to the River side we found it better and broader than expected, much like James River at Col. Stagg's, the falls much like these falls.167 We imagined by the Water marks it flaws here about three feat. It was ebbing Water when we were here. We set up a stick by the Water side but found it ebb very slowly. Our Indians kept such a hollowing that we durst not stay any longer to make further tryal. Immediately upon coming to our quarters we returned homewards and when we were on the top of a Hill we turned about and saw over against us, westerly, over a certain delightful hill a fog arise and a glimmering light as from water. We supposed there to be a great Bay.168 We came to the Totems Tuesday night where we found our horses, and ourselves wel entertain'd. We immediately had the news of Mr. Byrd and his great company's Discoveries three miles from the Tetera's Town. We have found Mohetan Indians who having intelligence of our coming were afraid it had been to fight them and had sent him to the Totem's to inquire. We gave him satisfaction to the contrary and that we came as friends, presented him with three or four shots of powder. He told us by our Interpreter, that we had [been from the mountains half way to the place they now live at. That the next town beyond them lived upon plain level, from whence came abundance of salt. That he could inform us no further by reason that there were a great company of Indians that lived upon the great Water.
Sept. 21. After very civil entertainment we came from the Toteras and on Sunday morning the 24th we came to the Hanahaskies. We found Mr. Wood dead and burried and his horse likewise dead. After civil entertainment, with firing of guns at parting which is more than usual.
Sept. 25. on monday morning we came from thence and reached to the Sapony's that night where we stayed till wednesday.
Sept. 27. We came from thence they having been very courteous to us. At night we came to the Apamatack Town, hungry, wet and weary.
Oct. 1 being Sunday morning we arrived at Fort Henry. God's holy name be praised for our preservation.169
Extract from a Letter * of Mr. Clayton to the Royal Society, read to them October 24, 1688170
WAKEFIELD, Aug. 17, 1688.My last was the journal of Thomas Batt, Thomas Woods, and Robert Fallam. I know Col. Byrd, that is mentioned to have been about that time as far as the Toteras. He is one of the intelligentest Gentlemen in all Virginia, and knows more of Indian affairs than any man in the Country. I discoursed him about the River on the other side the Mountains said to ebb and flow, which he assured me was a mistake in them, for that it must run into a Lake now call'd Petite, which is fresh water, for since that time a Colony of the French are come down from Canadas, and have seated themselves in the back of Virginia, where Fallam171 and the rest supposed there might be a Bay, but is a Lake, to which they have given the name of Lake Petite there being several large lakes betwixt that and Canada. The French possessing themselves of these Lakes, no doubt will in a short time be absolutely Masters of the Beaver trade, the greatest number of Beavers being caught there. The Colonel told me likewise that the communication of the Lake of Canada, he was assured, was a mistake, for the River supposed to come out of it had no communication with any of the Lakes, or they with one another, but were distinct.
1671, Sept. 1 They travell'd 40 miles from the Apomatack's Town.2. 45 miles.3. 40 miles.4.. Arrived at Sapiny till two o'clock.5. Came to Hanahasky 25 miles from Sapiny.6. 20 miles.7. 25 miles.8. Came to the foot of the first mountain due west, 30 miles9. Came to Toteras Town, 25 miles.12 Leave Totera and come to the River Roanoke, almost at the head, 25 miles.13. 22 miles.14. 14 miles.15. 15 miles.16. 10 and see a large River running north.17. they proclaim'd K. Ch. 2.
Remarks * on the Journal of Batts and Fallam; in their Discovery o f the Western Parts of Virginia in 1671172 [by John Mitchell, M.D., F.R.S.] 173
This discovery of Batts and Fallam is well known in the history of Virginia, and there is no manner of doubt of its being authentic, altho' it has not yet been published by the Royal Society. The account given of this Discovery by R. B. (Robert Beverley, Esqr., a Gentleman of note and distinction in the Countrey, who was well acquainted with it and its History) agrees very well with this original account of it; altho' he is not so particular in describing the place that these Discoverers went to, that we may be able to fix upon the Spot, which I think we may do from the journal itself, and that from the following considerations.
1. The Appamatuck Town, the Place that they went from, is well known in Virginia to this day, at least the River it stood upon, which is the Southern Branch of James River, that is well known by the name of Appamattox; and Capt. Smith, who was at this Town of Appamatuck, as he calls it, laies it down on the River of Appomatox, a little below the Falls, opposite to where the Towns of Petersburg or Blandford now stand; as may be seen by comparing his map of Virginia with our Map of North America.*
2. From this Town of Appamatuck they set out along the Path that leads to Acconeechy, which is an Indian Town on the Borders of Virginia and Carolina, marked in all our Maps; from which path they travelled due west. Now you will see both these Roads laid down in our Map of North America, and exactly as they are described in this journal, they being the two Roads that lead from the Falls of Appamattox River Southward to Carolina, and westward to our Settlements on Wood River174 in Virginia.
3. This Road that goes to the westward, which was the one that our Travellers went, crosses three Branches of Roanoke River, a little below the mountains, just as it is described in the journal, as may be seen by comparing the journal with our Map abovementioned. This .Branch of Roanoke River is called Sapony River in the journal., which has been called Staunton River, (in memory of the Lady of the late Governor of Virginia) ever since the survey of those Parts in running the Boundary Line between Virginia and Carolina in 1729. The Sapony and Totera Indians mentioned in the journal were then removed farther South, upon the Heads of Pede River, as may be seen in the Map of Carolina by Mr. Mosley, one of the surveyors in running that Line; and they are Now removed to the Southward of that, among the Catawbas, as it is well known that all the Indians of those Parts have done for many years, in order to protect themselves against the Iroquois, who have over run all those Parts; and here we find a river that still retains the name of Spongy or Johnston River, but a great way to the southward of the River mentioned in the journal by that name.
4. From these Branches of Roanoke River they passed over the mountains, and came to a large River West of the Mountains, running North and South; which plainly appears from this account of it to have been what we call Wood River in Virginia, which is well known and well settled by our People there, both above and below the Place where these People discovered it; and they frequently pass the Mountains now in going to and from Wood River, about the same place that is described in the journal.
5. Nigh this River they saw from the tops of the Mountains an appearance of a water at a distance, like a Lake, or arm of the Sea. The same observation is made by another Person, Mr. Christopher Gist, who lately surveyed this Countrey hereabouts, and indeed upon the spots described in the journal, as appears from both their Routes as laid down in our Map above-mentioned, which crost one another about the Place where these Discoverers fell in with the Great River, as they call it. The water seen by Gist was known by him to be Wood River a little lower down, where it passes a great Ridge of the Mountains that lye to the westward.
6. When they arrived at this River, they were informed of a numerous and warlike Nation of Indians, that lived on the Great Water, and made Salt, the accounts of whom prevented their going any farther; all which is agreeable to the History of those Times. The Indians they mean were the antient Chawanoes or Chaouanons, who lived to the westward and Northward of the Place that these Discoverers were at; and were at this Time, 1671, engaged in a hot and bloody war with the Iroquois, in which they were so closely pressed at this time, that they were entirely extirpated or incorporated with the Iroquois the year following. These People might make Salt no doubt, as the present Inhabitants of those Parts do, from the many Salt Springs that are found on the Rivers Ohio and Missisipi. And as for the great water that they lived upon, that appears even by name to have been the Missisipi, which is so called from Meseha Cebe, two words in the Indian Language that signify the Great River or Water; so that if we had the Indian name of this Great Water, mentioned by our travellers, instead of the Interpretation of it in English, it is possible it might have been the same with Missisipi; and whether or not, the name they give it we see means the same thing.
7. The Distance that these people travelled was three hundred and thirty-eight miles, besides what they went on the fourth day of their journey, which they do not mention, but by their usual rate of travelling might be about eighteen or twenty `miles, which makes about three hundred and sixty miles in all, and allmost due west. This is much farther to the westward than we lay down Wood River at present, when we have had its true western Distance actually measured, in running the Boundary between Virginia and Carolina. But it is very probable, as Mr. Beverley saies in his History, that these Travellers in passing the Mountains in particular might not advance above three or four miles a Day in a Strait Course. It has been generally found by our Surveyors in the woods of America, as I have been told by some of them, and as appears indeed from their Surveys compared with the Accounts of Travellers, that a true measured distance on a strait course is about one third of the usual Distance computed by Travellers in the woods, where they have no strait Roads and known Distances to guide them. Accordingly we find from these Surveys of the Countrey, that it is about one hundred and forty Miles in a strait course from the Falls of Appomatox River to Wood River in Virginia, which is a little more than one third of the Distance computed by our Discoverers.
Again; it is an usual way to compute Distances in the Woods of America by Dayes journeys, and those that are used to it, come pretty nigh the truth, by allowing twenty-five or thirty Miles a Day according to the Road, which makes about ten Miles a Day in a strait Course. Now these People travelled fifteen Daies, and by this rule must have travelled one hundred and fifty Miles on a strait Road; and accordingly we find it just one hundred and sixty Miles from the Falls of Appomatox River in Virginia, where they set out, to Wood River, upon the Road as it is laid down in our Map of North America, in which the Longitude or western Distances are laid down from the late Surveys of those Parts.
From these several considerations compared together, it plainly appears, that the Great River, as they call it, which these People discovered on the West side of the Mountains of Virginia, was this Branch of the River Ohio that is well known by the name of Wood River; which is the chief and principal Branch of the Ohio, that rises in the Mountains of South Carolina, and running through North Carolina and Virginia, falls into the Ohio about midway between Fort du Quesne and the Missisipi; and the place they discovered it at seems to be about the middle of that River; which has alwaies retained the name of Wood River, from this Major General Wood, or Col. Wood as he is called in Virginia, who we see by the journal was the Author of this Discovery.
This journal then is a plain Narration of well Known Matters of Fact, relating to the Discoveries of those western Parts of Virginia, and that many years before any others even pretend to have made any Discoveries in those or any other of the western Parts of North America, beyond the Apalachean Mountains. It contains likewise plain Proofs of the other Discoveries that were made here and hereabouts some time before, which were made by one Needham, by order of Col. Wood of Virginia; and the inverted Letters, MA., NE. found on the trees by our Travellers, seem to have been the names of these two Persons, cut on the Trees as a Memorial of their Discoveries, as is usually done by Travellers in the Woods, and as we see was done by ours at this Time.175 The many Letters they found on the Trees on Wood River, are likewise plain Proofs of others having been there before them. This is a plain confirmation of what is related by Mr. Coxe176 in a memorial presented by him to King William in 1699, and by several others, that all those western Parts of Virginia were discovered by Col. Wood, in several journies from the year 1654 to 1664.
These Discoveries are the more interesting at this Time, as those Parts are now claimed by the French merely and solely upon a frivolous Pretext of a prior Discovery by Mr. La Salle in 1680; who built the Fort of Crevecour on or below the Lake Pimiteoni in that year, which seems to be the Lake Petite alluded to in the extract of M. Clayton's Letter, from a very imperfect knowledge of it; which Lake upon the River Illinois is not less perhaps than a thousand miles beyond or to the westward of Fort du Quesne and the other places the French now claim on the River Ohio in consequence of that Discovery as they call it.
Besides M. La Salle had even that Discovery of his, that has been so much extolled and magnifyed, from the English; who by being so well settled in so many Parts of this Continent, might surely very naturally conclude and easily know from many accounts of the Natives, that there was a very extensive Continent to the westward of them; which these Discoveries in Virginia, as well as the Travels of Ferdinando Soto through Florida and over the Rio Grande, as he calls it, or the Missisipi, in 1541, that had been published to the world, might give them some more particular ac, count of, and excite their curiosity to make farther Discoveries in it. Accordingly, in the year 1678, a Party of People from New-England discovered all the western Parts of America to the Northward of Virginia, as far as the Missisipi, and a great way beyond it; which Discovery of the English gave occasion to the Discovery of the same Parts two years afterwards, by Mr. La Salle; for the Indians who were with the English and served them as Guides in this Discovery went to Canada upon their return. and gave an Account of these Discoveries of the English to the French, who thereupon set out to make the same Discovery; by virtue of which they now pretend to claim nine tenths at least of all the known Parts of the Continent of North America, and all the rest that is not known, which may be-as much more by all accounts!177
It is true, our People have not wrote many Histories of their Discoveries, as the French have, nor even published those that have been wrote, we see, any more than the Spaniards; but that we have made many such Discoveries, appears best from the Settlements that we have made, which compared with those of the French are about twenty to one. In the year 1714, immediately ofter the Treaty of Utrecht, Col. Spotswoode, Governor of Virginia went over the Apalachean Mountains himself in Person, in company with several Gentlemen of the Countrey, that are and have been well known to me, who had a good Road cleared over them, and many Settlements were made beyond those Mountains soon afterwards, both in the Northern and Southern Parts of Virginia, but chiefly in the Northern Parts leading towards the Ohio; which Settlements extended to Logs Town on the River Ohio, long before the late encroachments and usurpations of the French there. The English first settled on the Ohio from Pennsylvania in the year 1725, as appears from their Treaty with the Indians at Albany in y5¢, and many other accounts. In 1736 those Parts were duely surveyed and laid off by a company of Surveyors as far as the Head Springs of the River Patowmack; and in 1739 or 1740 a Party of People were sent out by the Government of Virginia, and traversed the whole Countrey, down Wood River and the River Ohio, to the Missisipi, and down that River to New Orleans; ... whose journals I have seen and perused, and have made a draught of the Countrey from them, and find them agree with other and later accounts. About that Time a number of People petitioned the Government of Virginia to grant them a Settlement upon the River Missisipi itself, about the mouth of the River Ohio, which they offered to maintain and defend, as well as to settle, at their own charge, so well were all those western Parts of Virginia then known and frequented by our People; but they were refused this Request by our Government itself, who have allwaies prudently thought it more expedient to continue their Settlements contiguous to one another, than to suffer them to be straggling up and down in remote and uncultivated Desarts, as we see the French have done, in order thereby to seem to occupy a greater extent of Territory, whilst in effect they hardly occupy any at all. Yet we are not without many of those Settlements among the Indians likewise, and that in a Countrey which we have purchased from them three several times. In the year 1749 our People made a Settlement among the Twightwee Indians at Pickawillany, which is reckoned by our Traders five hundred Miles beyond Fort du Quesne, to which they were invited by the Natives themselves, who came down to Lancaster in Pennsylvania for that purpose, and made a Treaty to that effect with our People there Jul. 22d., 1749. By this means we had several Settlements all along the River Ohio, and all over the Countrey between that River and Lake Erie, and that long before the French ever set a foot upon it, or knew any thing about it, but by Hearsay. And on the South Side of the Ohio, we are not only well settled on Wood River, that is described in this journal, but likewise on Holston River that lies upwards of one hundred and fifty Miles to the westward of the Place that these People discovered on Wood River in 1671; and. again on Cumberland River that lies as much farther to the westward of that; all which Places and Settlements you will see marked in our Map abovementioned.

Chief Logan

2005-03-29T12:47:00.000-05:00

Chief Logan was a leading Mingo Indian chief during the eighteenth century. His birthplace is disputed, with most scholars believing it was in Pennsylvania about 1725. Other people claim that his birth occurred in Auburn, New York. Logan's father was a Cayuga Indian named Shikellamy. Logan grew up in Pennsylvania and came to view many whites as his friends. Chief among them was David Zeisberger, a missionary of the Moravian Church. Logan eventually married a Shawnee woman and moved to Ohio about 1770.
He settled in Yellow Creek, a village of the Mingo Indians. He is described by one white-man as “the finest human being, of any race, that I ever met.” He became a war chief but continued to urge his fellow natives not to attack whites settling in the Ohio Country. His attitude changed on May 3, 1774, when Simon Greathouse and a group of border ruffians lured approximately one dozen Mingos to a trading post and murdered them. Among them were Logan's mother and sister. Logan demanded that the Mingos and their allies, principally the Shawnee Indians, avenge the deaths of his loved ones.
Chief Cornstalk, one of the main leaders of the Shawnees, still called for peace, but Logan ignored him. He conducted raids in western Pennsylvania, killing thirteen whites in retaliation for the Mingos' deaths. Continuing south, he raided settlements all across the Clinch and Holston Valleys. More than once he attacked the outpost at Fort Blackmore in present day Scott County. His attacks eventually resulted in Lord Dunmore's War.
In August 1774, the Pennsylvania militia entered the Ohio Country and quickly destroyed seven Mingo villages, which the Indians had abandoned as the soldiers approached. At the same time, Lord John Murray Dunmore, the governor of Virginia, sent one thousand men to the Little Kanawha River in modern-day West Virginia to build a fort and to attack the Shawnees. Cornstalk, who had experienced a change of heart toward the white colonists as the soldiers invaded the Ohio Country, dispatched nearly one thousand Shawnee to drive Dunmore's force from the region. The forces (including a large contingent from the Clinch, Holston, and Powell River Settlements, which led the battle) met on October 10, 1774 at what became known as the Battle of Point Pleasant. After several hours of intense fighting, the English drove Cornstalk's followers north of the Ohio River. The two sides eventually met near Chillicothe to determine peace terms. Logan refused to attend but did send a speech known as "Logan's Lament." It was probably read at the conference by Simon Girty, an Englishman that the natives had kidnapped and then raised as one of their own. In the speech, Logan pledged to continue fighting the English as they moved westward into the Ohio Country.
Logan spent the remainder of his life fulfilling his pledge. Cornstalk surrendered to the English in 1774, but Logan kept up his struggle. During the American Revolution, he continued to raid white settlements in Pennsylvania. Most accounts describe Logan as becoming despondent and turning to alcohol after his family's murder. He probably died about 1780, perhaps murdered by his own nephew. Despite his efforts, Logan failed to prevent white settlers from moving into the Ohio Country.

PS - The militia from S.W. Va. (The Fincastle Militia) was very upset with Lord Dunmore’s handling of the battle and peace accords. They strongly expressed their displeasure and grievances in the “Fincastle Resolution” which can be found at http://appfrontier.blogspot.com/

The 1780 Diary of Loyalist Leut. Anthony Allaire

2005-02-08T10:57:00.000-05:00

MEMORANDUM OF OCCURRENCES DURING THE CAMPAIGN OF 1780.

Part II: 01 Aug 1780-25 Nov 1780

Saturday, July 1st. Took a ride into the country for exercise.

Sunday, 2d, to Saturday, 8th. Still at Ninety Six.

Sunday, 9th. The American Volunteers moved from Ninety Six at seven o'clock in the evening, under the command of Captain DePeyster, and marched seven miles to Island Ford, of Saluda river, on our way to meet a party of Rebels that were making approaches towards our lines. Dr. Johnson and I being late before we left our old quarters, without any guide, got out of the road; found our mistake at a mill, three miles from the road we ought to have taken. It turned out to be no great loss, as we have supplied ourselves with a grist of corn for our horses. We came up to the detachment at one o'clock in the morning. Our baggage had not arrived, which put us to the necessity of going to a house to lodge. We found two women, and spent the night, though not to our satisfaction. It afforded some merry scenes with those two modest country women.

Monday, 10th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning; crossed Saluda in a flat; marched nine miles to a Rebel Col. Williams' plantation, where we halted. Mrs. Williams and the children were at home, and were treated with the utmost civility. Col. Williams is with the Rebels, and is a very violent, persecuting scoundrel.

Tuesday, 11th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched eight miles to Indian creek, and halted during the heat of the day at one Ryan's, who is a good friend, and suffered much for his loyalty. Got in motion at six o'clock in the evening, and marched eleven miles to Duncan's creek, where we halted at a Widow Brown's.

Wednesday, 12th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and forded Duncan's creek and Enoree river. Continued marching to Capt. Frost's, at Padget creek, eight miles from the Widow Brown's. This evening met an express with the disagreeable news of a party of ours consisting of seventeen of the Legion, eighteen York Volunteers, and twenty-five militia being defeated at Col. Bratton's, at Fishing creek.*

* Capt. Hook or Huck defeated that morningL.C.D.

Thursday, 13th. Lieut. Hunt of the Legion Cavalry came to our quarters at Capt. Frost's. He was one of the party defeated the twelfth inst. He gave an imperfect account of the affair. Capt. Huck commanded the party consisting of one subaltern and seventeen dragoons of the Legion, three subalterns and eighteen New York Volunteers, twenty-five militia men. They were sent in pursuit of a Rebel party, and arrived at twelve o'clock, Tuesday night, the 11th instant, at Col. Bratton's, at Fishing creek, and were very much fatigued. They thought to rest themselves. Unfortunately a Rebel party commanded by a Col. Lacey came upon them at four o'clock in the morning of the 12th, who were in amongst them, and had possession of every pass before they where apprised of itexcept a road leading towards North Carolina, where Captain Huck, with four dragoons, attempted to make off. Huck got shot through the neck, of which he died. Mr. Hunt, with one dragoon, took a foot path leading to a swamp. The militia he could give no account of. We left Capt. Frost's about six o'clock in the evening; forded Tyger river, continued our march twelve miles to Sugar creek. Here we found two hundred militia encamped at Wofford's old field, Fair Forest, under command of Majors Plummer and Gibbs. The Rebels, we hear, are collecting in force at the Catawba Nation and Broad river.

Friday, 14th. Lay encamped at Fair Forest. Every hour news from different parts of the country of Rebel parties doing mischief. Light Infantry of Gen. Browne's corps joined us at twelve o'clock at night.

Saturday, 15th. Went in company with Capt. F. De Peyster, Dr. Johnson, and Lieut. Fletcher, to dine with Col. Fletchall. After dinner went to see his mill, which was a curiosity, having never seen such an one before. The water falls fourteen feet perpendicularly down into a tub, fixed with buckets; from this tub runs up a shaft through the stone, and turns, as the cog turns, a double-geared mill. Returning to camp were informed that Capt. Dunlap had been obliged to retreat from Prince's Fort. Capt. Dunlap made an attack upon the Rebels; drove them from their ground, took one prisoner, who informed him that the Rebels were four hundred strong. Upon this information Dunlap thought proper to retreat, as his number was only fourteen American Volunteers and sixty militia. We lost two killed, a sergeant and private wounded, and one prisoner. The loss of the Rebels is uncertainreports are, twenty or thirty killed. Upon this news arriving, Capt. De Peyster ordered the American Volunteers and militia to get in motion to support Dunlap. Capt. Frederick De Peyster, with one hundred militia men, marched twelve miles to McElwain's creek, where they met Dunlap.

Sunday, 16th. Dunlap with the men under his command marched down to Stephen White's plantation, where the American Volunteers and militia lay.

Monday, 17th. Lay at White's. The militia brought in four prisoners, one lad of fifteen years old, badly wounded in the arms.

Tuesday, 18th. Still at Mitchell's creek. This day Col. Ferguson came to us from Nintey [sic] Six; brought news that the Light Infantry were on their march to join us.

Wednesday, 19th. Still at White's plantation, on Mitchell's creek.

Thursday, 20th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and marched six miles to Fair Forest Ford, where we halted and lay all night.

Friday, 21st. Col. Balfour, with the Light Infantry from Ninety Six, joined uswe still remained at the Ford.

Saturday, 22d. The Light Infantry, American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening; made a forced march of twenty-five miles to Lawson's Fork to surprise a party of Rebels, who, we were informed, lay there. We arrived at James Wood's plantation at six o'clock in the morning; greatly disappointed at finding no Rebels here. We were informed they were at Green rivertwenty-five miles farther.

Sunday, 23d. Got in motion at one o'clock in the morning, and countermarched to our old ground, Fair Forest Ford.

Monday, 24th. Very much fatigued; slept all day.

Tuesday, 25th. Col. Balfour with the Light Infantry got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched towards Ninety Six.

Wednesday, 26th. Lay at our old ground, Fair Forest.

Thursday, 27th. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning; forded Fair Forest river; marched about three miles and took up our ground in the wood.

Friday, 28th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and marched eight miles to Col. Henderson's plantation, Pacolet river. Henderson is prisoner at Charlestown; he has a pretty plantation, with near two hundred acres of Indian corn growing.

Saturday, 29th. Got in motion at eight o'clock in the morning, and marched five miles to Thicketty river and halted; one of the soldiers killed a Continental rattle-snake, with thirteen rattles on.

Sunday, 30th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning; countermarched twelve miles to Armstrong's creek, Fair Forest. This day came into camp express from Anderson's fort, a Capt. Cook, aged sixty years, who has buried four wives, and now has his fifth on her last legs. Monday, 31st. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched ten miles to Mitchell's creek, Fair Forest; a very wet, disagreeable day; got thoroughly soaked.

Tuesday, August 1st. Lay at Mitchell's creek. Had intelligence that the Rebels had attacked Col. Turnbull at Rocky Mount, on Sunday the 30th; but could not learn the particulars.

Wednesday, 2d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning; marched four miles to Tyger river; forded that stream and continued our march to Capt. Bobo's, and halted. Had intelligence that Col. Turnbull beat off the Rebels; Capt. Hulett got wounded in the head. The Rebels were commanded by Gen. Sumter. He sent in a flag, demanding the postRocky Mount. Col. Turnbull sent word that he might come and take it. Sumter endeavored to do so, but was obliged soon to retreat with considerable loss. Col. Turnbull took two prisoners, who had previously been in his camp, drew ammunition, and then joined the Rebels, and were heard to say when firing, "take back your ammunition again." They were both hanged as a reward for their treachery.

Thursday, 3d. Lay at Bobo's; nothing extra.

Friday, 4th. Still at Bobo's. At six o'clock in the evening moved three-quarters of a mile for advantage of ground.

Saturday, 5th. Lay in the woods near Bobo's. Had intelligence that Fort Anderson, in which we had a Sergeant of the American Volunteers, and eighty militia men, was summoned on Sunday the 30th July, and given up in a dastardly manner, without exchanging a single shot.*

* Col. Patrick Moore, commanding, taken by Col. Shelby and othersL.C.D.

Sunday, 6th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening. Left the heights near Bobo's, upon hearing that the Rebels were collecting in force at Ford's Mills. We made a forced march of sixteen miles in order to surprise them; marched all night; got to our ground at Jemmie's creek at six o'clock in the morning of the 7th, where we heard the Rebels had moved seven miles to Phillip's Ford.

Monday, 7th. Got in motion at seven in the evening, and made another forced march for them; and fording Jemmie's creek and the South and North branches of Tyger river. Got to the ground the Rebels were encamped on, at four o'clock on Tuesday morning, August eighth. They had intelligence of our move, and were likewise alarmed by the firing of a gun in our ranks; they sneaked from their ground about half an hour before we arrived.

Tuesday, 8th. Learning that the Rebel wagons were three miles in front of us at Cedar Springs, Captain Dunlap, with fourteen mounted men, and a hundred and thirty militia, were dispatched to take the wagons. He met three Rebels coming to reconnoitre our camp; he pursued, took two of themthe other escaped, giving the Rebels the alarm. In pursuit of this man, Dunlap and his party rushed into the centre of the Rebel camp, where they lay in ambush, before he was aware of their presence. A skirmish ensued, in which Dunlap got slightly wounded, and had between twenty and thirty killed and woundedEnsign McFarland and one private taken prisoners. The Rebel loss is uncertain. A Maj. Smith, Capt. Potts, and two privates, were left dead on the field. Col. Clarke, Johnson (Robertson,L.C.D.) and twenty privates were seen wounded. We pursued them five miles to the Iron Works, but were not able to overtake them, they being all mounted. We countermarched five miles to Cedar Springs, and halted to refresh during the heat of the day. At six in the evening, marched and took a height near the ground the Rebels left.

Wednesday, 9th. Lay on the heights; nothing extra.

Thursday, 10th. Sent the wounded to Musgrove's Mills, Enoree river, to be attended by Dr. Ross. We marched about seven miles to Culbertson's plantation, on Fair Forest. Express arrived from Col. Turnbull at Rocky Mount, with orders to join him. By the express heard that Sumter had attacked Hanging Rock the 6th instant. The North Carolinians were first attacked; they gave way. Brown's corps came up, but were obliged to give way. The Legion Cavalry came in the Rebels' rear, and soon gained the day. Brown's corps suffered muchthree officers killed, and three woundedan hundred men taken prisoners.

Friday 11th. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning. Marched ten miles to Maj. Gibbs' plantation; lay all night.

Saturday, 12th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and marched seven miles to a Rebel Capt. Stripling's plantation. He has taken protection, and as yet has not broken his promise. A Maj. Rutherford* came with a flag; in consequence of his coming in our rear, without giving signal by drum or trumpet, was detained all night, and threatened with imprisonment.

* Maj. Rutherford, a son of Gen. Rutherford, distinguished himself at Ramsour's Mill, and was subsequently killed at Eutaw SpringsL.C.D.

Sunday, 13th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched nine miles to Tinker creek. At seven in the evening got in motion and marched five miles to Smith's Mills, on Swift's creek. Here we lay all night.

Monday, 14th. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning; Marched to the Quaker fording place; forded Tyger river, continued our march to a Rebel Col. James Lisle's plantation. Lisle is in the Rebel servicehis family at home.

Tuesday, 15th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. Marched two miles to Lisle's Ford; forded Broad riverproceeded seven miles to a Mr. Coleman's in Mobley's settlement; halted during the heat of the day. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening; marched two miles to the camp of the New York Volunteers, where we got intelligence that Gen. Gates lay within three miles of Camden, with an army of seven thousand men. Col. Turnbull had orders the twelfth to retreat from Rocky Mount, and act as he saw properto get to Camden if he could. Sumter appeared with cannon at Rocky Mount, about twelve hours after Col. Turnbull left it, in order to make a second trial for the post. He found not so harsh a reception as his first attempt.

Wednesday, 16th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and marched two miles to Mobley's meeting house for convenience of ground.

Thursday, 17th. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning, and marched six miles to a Rebel Col. Winn's plantation. Winn is at James Island, a prisoner.

Friday, 18th. Lay at Winn's plantation, waiting news from Camden, having spies out upon every quarter.

Saturday, 19th. Lay at Winn's plantation. An express arrived from Camden with the agreeable news of Lord Cornwallis' attacking and totally defeating Gates' army on the morning of the 16th; twelve hundred were killed and wounded, left on the field; and one thousand prisoners, eight brass field pieces taken, being all the Rebels had in the field, several stand of colors, all their ammunition wagons, a hundred and fifty wagons of baggage, provisions, and stores of different kinds. All this with the trifling loss on our side of not more than ten officers killed and wounded, and two or three hundred non-commissioned officers and privates. We received orders to pursue Sumter, he having the only remains of what the Rebels can call a corps in these parts at present. At six o'clock in the evening our wagons were ordered forward that we might pursue Sumter with vigor. At seven we got in motion. That very moment an express arrived from Col. Innes', who was on his way from Ninety Six to join us, informing us that he had been attacked by a body of Rebels at Musgrove's Mills on Enoree river; that himself, and Major Fraser of his regiment, were wounded, as were Capt. Peter Campbell, Lieuts. Chew and Camp, of Col. Allen's regiment. He wished for support as many of the militia had left him. This, to our great mortification, altered the course of our march. At eleven at night, we got in motion; marched all night; forded Broad river at sun-rising.

Sunday, 20th. Proceeded four miles, and took up our ground at Peter's creek, where we lay all day, fatigued with our night's march, being eighteen miles. While we lay at Col. Winn's, a Mr. Smith was executed for joining the Rebels after he had taken protection, and been allowed to embody himself with our militia.

Monday, 21st. Got in motion at one o'clock in the morning, and marched six miles to a Rebel Capt. Lipham's on Padget creek. Took up our ground at five o'clock in the morning. This morning was so cold that we were glad to hover round large fires as soon as we halted. About one o'clock a Mr. Duncan came to our camp with the agreeable news that Col. Tarleton, with three companies of the Light Infantry, and the Legion Cavalry, fell in with Sumter about twelve o'clock on Saturday, the nineteenth.* He found them all asleep after the fatigue of two nights' rapid retreat. Their horses were all at pasture. The first alarm was the Light Infantry firing upon them. Col. Tarleton, with his usual success, gained a complete victory over Gen. Sumter; took two brass field pieces, made two hundred and fifty prisoners, eight hundred horses, thirty wagons, and retook a hundred of Brown's men that were captured at Hanging Rock. Captain Duncan made his escape from the Rebels during the engagement, he being a prisoner. Got in motion at eleven o'clock in the evening; marched ten miles to Tyger river; forded it at break of day.

* It was really the preceding day, Friday, 18th.L.C.D.

Tuesday morning, 22d. Continued our march four miles to Harrison's plantation, on Fair Forest, where we halted.

Wednesday, 23d. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched six miles to John Blasingame's plantation, on Sugar creek, where we took up our ground. Col. Ferguson set out for Camden.

Thursday, 24th. Still lay at Blasingame's, on Sugar creek.

Friday, 25th. Still at Blasingame's.

Saturday, 26th. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to John Wofford's plantation, on McClure's creek.

Sunday, 27th. Lay at McClure's creek; nothing extra.

Monday, 28th. Got in motion at five o'clock, and marched six miles to Culbertson's plantation, near Fair Forest river.

Tuesday, 29th, to Thursday, 31st. Lay at Culbertson's; nothing extra.

Friday, September 1st. Still remained at Culbertson's. Maj. Ferguson joined us again from Camden with the disagreeable news that we were to be separated from the army, and act on the frontiers with the militia.

Saturday, 2d. Got in motion at eleven o'clock in the morning; forded Fair Forest river, and marched ten miles to the Iron Works, on Lawson's Fork of Pacolet river. Here was a Rebel militia-man that got wounded in the right arm at the skirmish at Cedar Springs, the eighth of August. The bone was very much shattered. It was taken off by one Frost, a blacksmith, with a shoemaker's knife and carpenter's saw. He stopped the blood with the fungus of the oak, without taking up a blood vessel.

Sunday, 3d. My friend Johnson and I bathed in the stream at the Iron Works.

Monday, 4th. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched ten miles to Case's creek, where we halted all night.

Tuesday, 5th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and marched a mile and a half to Pacolet river, and halted. The fresh was so high we could not ford the river. I took lodging, with my friend Johnson, who was very unwell, at one Coleman's, who is a very warm Tory. His wife and all her children have been stripped of all their clothes, bedding, and other furniture. She was mother of five children in two years.

Wednesday, 6th. Got in motion at eight o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to Buck's creek; dined at one Nelson's. Here was a hearty old man, named William Case, a hundred and nine years old. He is a native of New England. Talks very strong; gives some faint description of New England. His memory began to fail seven years past; he lost his eyesight about eighteen months past; is otherwise very hale; walks amazingly spry, and danced a jig.

Thursday, 7th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning; crossed Buck creek, and the division line of South and North Carolina; marched six miles farther, and halted. Maj. Ferguson, with about fifty of the American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at six o'clock in the evening, and marched to Gilbert Town in order to surprise a party of Rebels that we heard were there. Capt. DePeyster and I remained on the ground we took in the morning, with the remainder of the American Volunteers and militia.

Friday, 8th. Got in motion at eight in the morning, and marched six miles to Broad river, and took a height where we halted, and waited orders from Maj. Ferguson.

Saturday, 9th. Remained on the ground; received intelligence from Maj. Ferguson to keep our post. He was returning to keep a good lookout, as the Georgians were coming towards us. Sunday, 10th. Col. Ferguson joined us about eleven o'clock at night.

Monday, 11th. Got in motion at four o'clock in the evening; forded Broad river and continued on our march ten miles to one Adair's plantation, and halted.

Tuesday, 12th. Maj. Ferguson, with forty American Volunteers and one hundred militia, got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched fourteen miles through the mountains to the head of Cane creek, in Burke County, in order to surprise a party of Rebels we heard lay there. Unfortunately for us, they had by some means got intelligence of our coming, in consequence of which, Mr. McDowell, with three hundred infamous villains like himself, thought it highly necessary to remove their quarters. However, we were lucky enough to take a different route from what they expected, and met them on their way, and to appearance one would have thought they meant sincerely to fight us, as they drew up on an eminence for action. On our approach they fired and gave way. We totally routed them, killed one private, wounded a Capt. White, took seventeen prisoners, twelve horses, all their ammunition, which was only twenty pounds of powder, after which we marched to their encampment, and found it abandoned by those Congress heroes. Our loss was two wounded and one killed. Among the wounded was Capt. Dunlap, who received two slight wounds. After the skirmish we returned to one Allen's to refresh ourselves. We got in motion about four o'clock in the afternoon, and countermarched about six miles to a Rebel Mr. Jones', where we halted all night.

Wednesday, 13th. Got in motion about eight o'clock in the morning and continued countermarching to a Rebel Col. Walker's plantation where we met Capt. Ryerson and Lieut. Fletcher with the remainder of the American Volunteers and militia. Here we took up our ground, very much fatigued with our enterprise.

Thursday, 14th. Lay still at Col. Walker's. The poor, deluded people of this Province begin to be sensible of their error, and come in very fast. Maj. Ferguson, with thirty American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at six o'clock, and marched to the head of Cane creek, and halted at one Wilson's.

Friday, 15th. Capt. DePeyster and I, who remained at Col. Walker's with the remainder of the American Volunteers and militia, got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched twelve miles to one Bowman's, near the head of Cane creek, and halted. This creek is so amazingly crooked that we were obliged to cross it nineteen times in marching four miles. Mrs. Bowman is an exceedingly obliging woman. She had a child about four years old, who had smoked tobacco almost three years. At four o'clock in the afternoon got in motion, and marched a mile and a half to Wilson's, where we joined Maj. Ferguson. At ten o'clock in the evening we got in motion, with the American Volunteers and five hundred militia, leaving Capt. Ryerson and Lieut. Fletcher, with two hundred militia, to guard the baggage, and marched fifteen miles to one John Forsyth's, on the banks of the Catawba, to surprise Col. McDowell. We arrived there about six o'clock in the morning of the 16th. Col. McDowell had left this place the 14th. We countermarched to one Devore's, and halted to refresh ourselves. At three o'clock got in motion; marched to Pleasant Garden Ford, Catawba river; forded it, and continued our march to one George Cathy's plantation, about a mile and a half from Devore's. Pleasant Garden is a very handsome place. I was surprised to see so beautiful a tract of land in the mountains. This settlement is composed of the most violent Rebels I ever saw, particularly the young ladies. Sunday, 17th. Got in motion and marched two miles to Buck's creek, forded it, and continued our march two miles farther to a Rebel Maj. Davidson's plantation, and halted.

Monday, 18th. Got in motion, countermarched to Buck creek, forded it, and proceeded on five miles to Richey's Ford, on Catawba river, forded it, and marched to a Rebel Alexander Thompson's plantation, six miles farther, and halted.

Tuesday, 19th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched about eleven miles to a Rebel Mr. Hemphill's plantation, and halted. At seven o'clock in the evening, I went about a mile and joined Capt. Ryerson and the militia under his command.

Wednesday, 20th. Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning, and marched a mile and a half to one White's plantation, where we joined Maj. Ferguson again. This day three officers belonging to Cruger and Allen's regiments, joined us from Ninety Six, with fifty militia men.

Thursday, 21st. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning and marched fourteen miles to a Rebel Samuel Andrew's plantation, and halted. On the march I saw eight wild turkeys.

Friday, 22d. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning; marched five miles to Col. Walker's plantation, and halted.

Saturday, 23d. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning; marched three miles to Gilbert Town; took up our ground on a height about half a mile from the town. This town contains one dwelling house, one barn, a blacksmith's shop, and some out-houses.

Sunday, 24th. Five hundred subjects came in, also a number of ladies. Received intelligence from Col. Cruger, that he had marched from Ninety Six to Augusta, to the assistance of Col. Browne, who was besieged by six hundred Rebels, under the command of Col. Clarke. Fortunately for Col. Browne, the Cherokee Indians, for whom he is agent, were coming to Augusta for their yearly presents. They met the Rebels just as they were going into the town, which obliged them to fight. The Rebels being too numerous, and the Indians unacquainted with field fighting, were obliged to make the best of their way to a fort on one flank of the town, where Col. Browne had retired to. He made a very gallant defence for five days, two of which he was without bread or water. On Col. Cruger's approach, the Rebels moved off with their plunder, of which they had a tolerable share. Col. Cruger arrived time enough to retake the cannon which they had taken from Browne, and about thirty prisoners.

Monday, 25th, and Tuesday, 26th. Lay at Gilbert Town; nothing extra.

Wednesday, 27th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched three miles to Rucker's Mill, and halted.

Thursday, 28th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning; marched seven miles to Mountain creek, forded it, although very difficult, continued on about a mile farther to Twitty's Ford of Broad river, and took up our ground on its banks. At six o'clock in the evening got in motion, forded the river; marched two miles to McDaniel's Ford of Green river; forded it, and marched two miles farther; halted on the road; lay on our arms till four o'clock the next morning.

Friday, 29th. We then, at that early hour, moved on three miles to one James Step's plantation, and halted. This man has been very unfortunate in his family; his wife, who is a very decent woman, was caught by the Indians about a twelvemonth past. They scalped and tomahawked her several times in the head, treated the infant she had in her arms in a most inhuman and savage manner. They mashed its head in such a manner that its recovery is truly astonishing; but what this poor, unhappy woman seems most to regret is the loss of her oldest son, whom the savages took, and she now remains in a state of uncertainty, not having heard from him since.

Saturday, 30th. Lay at James Step's with an expectation of intercepting Col. Clarke on his return to the mountains; but he was prudent enough to take another route.

Sunday, October 1st. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched twelve miles to Denard's Ford of Broad river, and took up our old ground where we lay the 8th September. Monday, 2d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the afternoon; forded Broad river; marched four miles; formed in line of action and lay on our arms. This night I had nothing but the canopy of heaven to cover me.

Tuesday, 3d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to Camp's Ford of Second Broad river, forded it and continued on six miles to one Armstrong's plantation, on the banks of Sandy Run. Halted to refresh; at four o'clock got in motion; forded Sandy Run; marched seven miles to Buffalo creek; forded it; marched a mile farther and halted near one Tate's plantation. John West came in camp, who is a hundred and one years of age; is amazingly strong in every sense.

Friday, 6th Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning, and marched sixteen miles to Little King's Mountain, where we took up our ground.

Saturday, 7th. About two o'clock in the afternoon twenty-five hundred Rebels, under the command of Brig.-Gen. Williams, and ten Colonels, attacked us. Maj. Ferguson had eight hundred men. The action continued an hour and five minutes; but their numbers enabled them to surround us. The North Carolina regiment seeing this, and numbers being out of ammunition, gave way, which naturally threw the rest of the militia into confusion. Our poor little detachment, which consisted of only seventy men when we marched to the field of action, were all killed and wounded but twenty; and those brave fellows were soon crowded as close as possible by the militia. Capt. DePeyster, on whom the command devolved, saw it impossible to form six men together; thought it necessary to surrender to save the lives of the brave men who were left. We lost in this action, Maj. Ferguson, of the Seventy-first regiment, a man much attached to his King and country, well informed in the art of war; he was brave and humane, and an agreeable companion; in short, he was universally esteemed in the army, and I have every reason to regret his unhappy fate. We had eighteen men killed on the spot; Capt. Ryerson and thirty-two privates wounded of Maj. Ferguson'S detachment; Lieut. Mcginnis, of Allen's regiment of Skinner's Brigade, killed. Taken prisoners, Two Captains, four Lieutenants, three Ensigns, and one Surgeon, and fifty-four sergeants rank and file, including the mounted men under the command of Lieut. Taylor. Of the militia, one hundred were killed, including officers; wounded, ninety; taken prisoners, about six hundred. Our baggage, all taken, of course. Rebels lost Brig.-Gen. Williams, one hundred and thirty-five, including officers, killed; wounded, equal to ours.

Sunday, 8th. They thought it necessary to move us sixteen miles, to one Waldron's plantation where they halted.

Monday, 9th. Moved two miles and a half to Bullock creek;* forded it, and halted on the banks.

* Apparently Boren's CreekBullock's creek was some fifteen or eighteen miles distant.L.C.D.

Tuesday, 10th. Moved twenty miles and halted in the woods.

Wednesday, 11th. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning; marched twelve miles to Col. Walker's and halted.

Thursay, 12th. Those villains divided our baggage, although they had promised on their word we should have it all.

Friday, 13th. Moved six miles to Bickerstaff's plantation. In the evening their liberality extended so far as to send five old shirts to nine of us, as a change of linenother things in like proportion.

Saturday, 14th. Twelve field officers were chosen to try the militia prisonersparticularly those who had the most influence in the country. They condemed thirtyin the evening they began to execute Lieut.-Col. Mills, Capt. Wilson, Capt. Chitwood, and six others, who unfortunately fell a sacrifice to their infamous mock jury. Mills, Wilson, and Chitwood died like Romans the others were reprieved.

Sunday, 15th. Moved at five o'clock in the morning. Marched all day through the raina very disagreeable road. We got to Catawba and forded it at Island Ford, about ten o'clock at night. Our march was thirty-two miles. All the men were worn out with fatigue and fasting the prisoners having no bread or or meat for two days before. We officers were allowed to go to Col. McDowell's, where we lodged comfortably. About one hundred prisoners made their escape on this march.

Monday, 16th. Moved at two o'clock in the afternoon. Marched five miles; forded the north branch of Catawba and John's river; halted at a Tory plantation.

Tuesday, 17th. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning. Marched fifteen miles; halted at Capt. Hatt's plantation. Three prisoners attempted to make their escape this night; two succeeded--the other was shot through the body.

Wednesday, 18th. About five o'clock in the morning the Rebels executed the man who unfortunately got wounded in attempting to make his escape. We moved at eight o'clock in the morning, and marched eighteen miles to Moravian creek, and halted.

Thursday, 19th. Moved at eight o'clock in the morning; forded Moravian creek, passed by Wilkes Court House, and marched sixteen miles to one Hagwoods' plantation and halted.

Friday, 20th. Moved at eleven o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to Mr. Sale's plantation, and halted.

Saturday, 21st. Several Tory women brought us butter, milk, honey, and many other necessaries of life. Moved at ten o'clock in the morning, and marched fifteen miles to Mr. Headpeth's plantation, a great Tory, who is at present with Lord Cornwallis. We lodged at Mr. Edward Clinton's who is likewise with Lord Cornwallis.

Sunday, 22nd. Moved at ten o'clock in the morning. Obtained liberty to go forward with Col. Shelby to Salem, a town inhabited by Moravians. Rode ten miles, and forded Yadkin river at Shallow Ford. Proceeded on fourteen miles farther to Salem.. Went to meeting i the evening; highly entertained with the decency of theose people, and with their music. Salem contains about twenty homes, and a place of worship. The people of this town are all mechanics; those of the other two Moravian settlements are all farmers, and all stanch friends to Govenrment. Monday, 23rd. Lay at Salem in the evening. Two Continental officers slept at the tavern, on their way to join their army. One Mr. Simons, a Lieutenant of Col. Washington's dragoons, was exceeding polite, pitied our misfortune in falling into the hands of their militia.

Tuesday, 24th. Moved at ten o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to the old town called Bethabara. Here we joined the camp again. This town is about as large as the other; but not so regularly laid out. The inhabitants very kind to all the prisoners. This night Dr. Johnson and I were disturbed by a Capt. Campbell, who came into our room, and ordered us up in a most peremptory manner. He wanted our bed. I was obliged to go to Col. Campbell, and wake him to get the ruffian turned out of the room; otherwise he would have murdered us, having his sword drawn, and strutting about with it in a truly cowardly manner.

Wednesday, 25th. The men of our detachment, on Capt. DePeyster passing his word for their good behavior, were permitted to go into houses in the town without a guard.

Thursday, 26th to Saturday, 28th. Nothing extra.

Sunday, 29th. Col. Cleveland waited on Capt. DePeyster and the rest of the officers, and asked us if we, with our men, would come and hear a sermon at ten o'clock. He marched the militia prisoners from their encampment to the town, and halted them; and sent an officer to our quarters to acquaint us they were waiting for us. We then ordered our men to fall inp; marched to the front of the prisoners; the whole then proceeded on to a height about half a mile from the town. Here we heard a Presbyterian sermon, truly adapted to their principles of the times; or, rather, stuffed as full of Republicanism as their camp is of horse thieves.

Monday, 30th. A number of the inhabitants assembled at Bethabara to see a poor Tory prisoner executed for a crime of the following nature, viz: A Rebel soldier was passing the guard where the prisoners were confined, and like a brute addressed himself to those unhappy people in this style: "Ah, d--n you, you'll all be hanged." This man, with the spirit of a British subject, answered, "Never mind that, it will be your turn next." But Col. Cleveland's goodness extended so far as to reprive him.

Tuesday, 30th [sic]. Rode to Salem in company with Capt. DePeyster, Dr. Johnson and Mr. Supple. This night very cold; forze ice a quarter of an inch thickthe first this fall.

Wednesday, November 1st. My friend, Dr. Johnson, insulted and beaten by Col. Celveland for attempting to dress a man whom they had cut on the march. Col. Armstrong relieved Cleveland in the afternoon, and took the command.

Thursday, 2nd. Took a walk with Capt. DePeyster, Dr. Johnson and Mr. Taylor to Bathania, three miles from Bethabara. This town contains about thirty houses; it is regularly laid out. Friday, 3d. Heard by a countryman, who was moving his family over the mountains to nolachucky, that General Leslie had landed at James river, in Virginia.

Saturday, 4th. Dined at a country house.

Sunday, 5th. Set off from Bethabara in company with Lieut. Taylor, Lieut. Stevenson, and William Gist, a militia-man, about six o'clock in the evening. We marched fifteen miles to Yadkin river; forded it, found it very disagreeable. We continued on twenty miles farther to Mr. Miller's plantation, an exceeding good subject. Here we arrived just at daybreak the next morning. Monday, 6th. Took up our ground in the bushes, about half a mile from the house. At ten o'clock, we sent Mr. Gist to the house for some victuals. He found Mr. Miller at home, who very readily gave us all the assistance that lay in his power. About two o'clock, he brought us some victuals, which we were very happy to see, being very hungry after our fatiguing march the night before. In conversation, which very naturally run upon the safest way, guides, etc., Mr. Miller told us he knew a militia Capt. Turner, and one or two more subjects, then lying in the bushes, who would be very happy to join Lord Cornwallis; and they were also excellent guides. On this we consulted, and thought it prudent to stay all night. Mr. Miller then fetched us a blanket, and immediately set out to find those people.

Tuesday, 7th. Mr. Miller returned informing us that one of those men would be with us at six o'clock in the evening. We waited till seven, but the man not coming, we thought it prudent to go without him. We set out about half after seven; marched six miles to one Carpenter's. When we arrived there, Mr. Carpenter advised us to remain there the remainder of the night, and he would go to Mr. Miller, and send him again for the men. We then consulted, and thought it best to stay a day or twothen to proceed on, without a guide.

Wednesday, 8th. Lay very snug in the bushes. About four o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Carpenter returned and told us Mr. Miller was gone in search of a guide, and was to return with an answer as soon as possible. Suffered exceedingly with the cold this day.

Thursday, 9th. Heard of the Rebels following us, but they getting false intelligence, returned again, which was much in our favor. In the course of the day, we thought it would be prudent to get the best directions we could, and proceed on, without a guide, rather than remain too long in one place, lest some of those people might be treacherous. We got direction from Mr. Carpenter for sixty miles, and at six o'clock in the evening, set out; marched thirty miles, and halted in the woods at daybreak.

Friday, 10th. Suffered very much with the cold. At six o'clock in the evening set out again. This night saw the moon in an eclipse, and heard several wolves bark. Passed a Rebel party consisting of twelve or fourteen, who lay about twenty yards from the road by a fire; but very fortunately for us, they were all asleep. We marched thirty miles and arrived at Colbert Blair's, just at daybreak.

Saturday, 11th. It began to rain just after we got to Mr. Blair's. Lucky we were indeed. This good man secreted us in his fodder-house, and gave us the best his house afforded.

Sunday, 12th. Remained at Mr. Blair's; a rainy, disagreeable day.

Monday, 13th. Set out from this good man's fodder-house. He conducted us about three miles to a Mr. F. Rider's, who guided us seven miles farther, over the Brushy Mountains, to Catawba river. Mr. John Murray, who lived on the bank of the river, put us over in a canoe, and conducted us three miles to Mr. Ballou's. This old man was about sixty years of age; but his love for his King and his subjects induced him to get up, although very late at night, and guided us seven miles to a Mr. Hilterbrine's. On the way the old man informed us he had two sons who lay out in the woods, who were anxious to go to our army, and were also good guides. He also told us of one Williams, that was a good guide, and who would be glad to go with us. We told the old man we should be very happy to have them, as the road began to grow more dangerous, and we quite unacquainted with the way. This poor old man expressed a great deal of anxiety for our safety, and at last told us he would go the next day and endeavor to find them, and send them to us. We arrived at Hilterbrine's about six o'clock in the morning of the 14th. He received us with great caution, lest we should be treacherous; but when he found we were British officers he was very kind.

Wednesday, 15th. Just as we were drinking a dish of coffee, on a rock, after dusk, those three young men came to us on horseback, which made us very happy. We set out immediately, and marched twenty miles over the Brushy Mountains, where there was nothing but Indian paths. Crossed several small rivers. We arrived at one Sheppard's plantation, just at daybreak of the 16th. This poor family were so completely stripped of everything they had, by the Rebels, that they could give us nothing but a hoe cake, and some dried beef, which was but a very indifferent repast for hungry stomachs. At six o'clock in the evening set out; marched sixteen miles to Camp's Ford of Second Broad river; forded it, and continued on three and a half miles farther to Island Ford of Main Broad river; forded it, and marched one mile to Capt. Townsend's plantation. This man received three balls in the action on King's Mountain, and was at home on parole. He was very happy to see us, and gave us the best his house afforded.

Friday, 17th. Set out at six o'clock in the evening; marched twelve miles to a Mr. Morris'. Here we were told that a party of Rebels were directly in our front; that we had better remain there that night, in which time we could send Mr. Williams, who was with us, and well acquainted with that neighborhood, to get a militia Capt. Robins, who lay out in the woods, and was going to our army in a day or two. This man was so good a guide that it induced us to stay.

Saturday, 18th. Lay in the woods; fared pretty well.

Sunday, 19th. Mr. Williams returned, but without effecting what he went after. We had a council of safety; found it necessary to proceed on. We got Mr. Murray to guide us to the main road that leads to the Iron Works, which is twelve miles distant. We set out about three o'clock in the afternoon; took by-paths. and got in the main road just at dusk. We crossed Pacolet river, Lawson's Fork, and Tyger river; passed a Rebel guard; marched thirty-seven miles, and arrived at James Duncan's plantation, half an hour before daybreak of the 20th. About ten o'clock Mrs. Duncan rode out to see if she could get any intelligence of our army, and of the Rebel army, that we might shun the latter. Mrs. Duncan returned in less than an hour, with the disagreeable news that the Rebel army was marching within two miles of us, and were going to encamp at Blackstock's, about four miles from us. This news truly discouraged me. About five o'clock in the evening Mr. Duncan came to us with agreeable newsthat Col. Tarleton was in pursuit of the Rebels. At six o'clock a Mr. Jackson came to us, and informed us he had seen Col. Tarleton; he had also heard he had had an action with Sumter, who commanded the Rebels, but did not know the particulars. He advised us to go to his house and stay all night, as we would be perfectly safe there, and the next morning go to Mr. Smith's, where we could hear the particulars of the action, as there were some of the Legion wounded there. We agreed to what the man said; staid all night at his house, where we were treated very kindly.

Tuesday, 21st. Mr. Duncan conducted us to Mr. Smith's, where we found six of the Legion wounded.

Wednesday, 22d. Set out from Archey Smith's on horseback, which the subjects in that neighborhood supplied us with. They brought us on thirteen miles to one Adair's. Here we dismounted, and those good people returned. We continued thirteen miles to Williams' Fort, which was commanded by Col. Kirkland, who received us very kindly.

Thursday, 23d. Set out from Col. Kirkland's, who was kind enough to lend us horses as far as Saluda. Left the horses here; crossed in a scow; walked a mile to Col. Mayson's; dined; got horses and rode to Ninety Six. Arrived at Capt. John Barbarie's* quarters, about eight o'clock in the evening.

* Capt. Barbarie belonged to the New Jersey Volunteers; was captured at Staten Island in 1777; doubtless shared in the siege of Charleston. as he did in the siege of Ninety Six, during which he was wounded; and was again wounded at Eutaw Springs. He received half pay, and settled at St. Johns, New Brunswick, where he became a Colonel of the militia, and a magistrate. He died at Sussex Vale in 1818 at the age of sixty-seven. His son, Andrew Barbarie, was a member of the Assembly of that ProvinceL.C.D.

Friday, 24th. Remained at Ninety Six; nothing extra.

Saturday, 25th. Set out for Charleston,

Where I arrived the 29th of November; nothing worth notice on the journey.

(Excerpted from King's Mountain and Its Heroes: History of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7th, 1780, and the Events Which Led to It by Lyman C. Draper, Cincinnati, 1881, pp. 484-515)

THE TREATY OF WATAUGA

2005-01-31T16:28:00.000-05:00

Copy of the Deed from the Cherokees to Henderson & Co.
(March 17, 1775)

This indenture made this seventeenth day of March in the year of our Lord Christ one thousand seven hundred and seventy-five between Oconsitoto chief warrior and first representative of the Cherokee Nation or tribe of Indians and Attacullacullah and Sanvanooko otherwise Coronoh for themselves and behalf of the whole nation. Being the aborigines and sole owners by occupancy from the beginning of time to the lands on the waters of the Ohio River from the mouth of the Tennessee River up the said Ohio to the mouth or emptying of the Great Canaway or New River and so across by a Southward line to the Virginia line by a direction that shall strike or hit the Holston River six English miles above or Eastward of the Long Island therein and other lands and territories thereupon adjoining . . . for and in consideration of the sum of two thousand pounds of lawful money of Great Britain, to them in hand paid. . . .

OCONISTOTO
x his mark
ATTACULLACULLAH
x his mark
SAVANOOKA, otherwise Coronoh,
x his mark

Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of

William Baily Smith, George Lumkin,
Thomas Houghton, Castelton Brooks,
J.P. Bacon, Tilman Dixon,
Valentine Turey, Thomas Price, Linguist.

Dragging Canoe

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(Tsi'yu-gunsini), the son of Attakullakulla (The Little Carpenter, named for his skill at crafting treaty language acceptable to all) and cousin of Nancy Ward was one of the most prominent and interesting of the Cherokees who impacted the settlers on the Appalachian Frontier. Dragging Canoe was said to be a few years older than his cousin Nancy Ward (born 1738), daughter of Tame Doe who was the sister of Attakullakulla. Brent Yanusdi Cox in his book “Heart of the Eagle”, suggests that although no conclusive records exist to prove it, he believes that Dragging Canoe's mother was Nionee. He bases this on the fact that Nionee helped raise Nancy Ward and was associated with Tame Doe. Since Attakullakulla lived primarily in the village of Tenase through 1755, it is likely the place of Dragging Canoe's birth. During his very early years he contracted Smallpox which devastated the Cherokee, causing the death of over half of the nation.

On one occasion when his father was leading a war party against the Shawnee, the young boy attempted to drag a large canoe into the water to follow the war party. His name, "Canoe (tsi'yu), He is Dragging It (gunsini)" or Dragging Canoe, was given him because of the persistence and determination he displayed; character traits that would later serve to keep him and his loyal followers fighting the white settlers under most adverse conditions.

He became a fierce warrior, pockmarked by the smallpox of his childhood, tall and stately in appearance, he served as the primary leading force in the Cherokee's resistance to white settlement on their lands. He strongly resisted the sale of Indian lands to whites and spoke at numerous treaty negotiations vehemently objecting to the continued sale of Cherokee land.

At the conclusion of the Treaty of Sycamore Shoals of 1775, Dragging Canoe continued his argument. He rose before the group and gave an emotional and eloquent speech. "Whole Indian nations have melted away like snowballs in the sun before the white man's advance. They leave scarcely a name of our people except those wrongly recorded by their destroyers. Where are the Delawares? They have been reduced to a mere shadow of their former greatness. We had hoped that the white men would not be willing to travel beyond the mountains. Now that hope is gone. They have passed the mountains, and have settled upon Cherokee land. They wish to have that action sanctioned by treaty. When that is gained, the same encroaching spirit will lead them upon other land of the Cherokees. New cessions will be asked. Finally the whole country, which the Cherokees and their fathers have so long occupied, will be demanded, and the remnant of Ani-Yunwiya, THE REAL PEOPLE, once so great and formidable, will be compelled to seek refuge in some distant wilderness. There they will be permitted to stay only a short while, until they again behold the advancing banners of the same greedy host. Not being able to point out any further retreat for the miserable Cherokees, the extinction of the whole race will be proclaimed. Should we not therefore run all risks, and incur all consequences, rather than submit to further loss of our country? Such treaties may be alright for men who are too old to hunt or fight. As for me, I have my young warriors about me. We will have our lands. A-WANINSKI, I have spoken."

Dragging Canoe's mighty speech had such a strong influence on the chiefs that they closed the Treaty Council without more talk. Yet, soon the white men prepared another huge feast with rum and were able to persuade the Cherokee Chiefs to sit in another Treaty Council for further discussion of land sale. The land being sought was the Cain-Tuc-Kee Territory. Attakullakulla, Dragging Canoe's father, spoke in favor of selling the land, as did Raven, who was jealous of Dragging Canoe's growing power among the young warriors. The deed was signed. Richard Henderson, a retired Judge from North Carolina, had acquired a huge tract of land for the Transylvania Land Company, of which he was a principal partner. Now that his plan was succeeding he boldly continued his requests. Saying "he did not want to walk over the land of my brothers", he asked to "buy a road" through Cherokee lands (through what is now Sullivan County Tennessee, and Scott and Lee Counties in Virginia). This last insult was more than Dragging Canoe could tolerate. He became enraged and rising from his seat he stomped the ground saying, "We have given you this, why do you ask for more? You have bought a fair land. When you have this you have all. There is no more game left between the Watauga and the Cumberland. There is a cloud hanging over it. You will find its settlement DARK and BLOODY."

He and those who followed him angrily left the Council and marched to Chattanooga where they formed the Chickamauguas, a very militant branch of the Cherokee Tribe. For the next 17 years Dragging Canoe did his best to make his prediction come true. He attacked the settlers at every opportunity. He became known as "The Dragon" because of his fierce fighting and relentless determination to destroy all white settlements on what he considered THE REAL PEOPLE'S land.

Although most references to Dragging Canoe speak of his "savage warrior" attributes in battle, he was no mere savage. Dragging Canoe had no thought of conquest or capture of the white settlers. He was driven by the desire to protect the vital need the Cherokee had for their hunting lands. And could see the future would bring more and more white settlers, unless the ones already on Cherokee hunting grounds were driven off. Many of the women and young men of the Cherokee supported his position and were convinced he was right in his prophesy.

The older chiefs attempted to obtain supplies by allowing white settlers to "lease" land, but some researchers support the possibility of a misunderstanding and maybe even outright forgery of papers at the Treaty at Sycamore Shoals. Some have speculated that Jesse Benton, one of the interpreters at the Transylvania Purchase, may have actually forged Alexander Cameron's signature on the deeds. Whether it was even legal for Richard Henderson to deal directly with Indians for such a land sale was also a hotly debated topic for several years. Three of the four principal chiefs (Old Tassel, Oconostota and Savanooka) denied having sold any lands at this treaty. Attakullakulla, who understood and spoke English would have been in a better position to understand what was actually being said and done. Most of the Cherokees there, even the principal chiefs, were at a distinct disadvantage, not knowing the language being used to describe the proceedings and having to rely on interpreters, who might have had something to gain by the Transylvania Purchase themselves!

It is easy to see why Dragging Canoe would become enraged at what took place at these proceedings. He could see that another attempt was being made to take control of vast portions of the Cherokee traditional hunting grounds, and he knew that meant the eventual end to Cherokee life as he knew it. History would prove him right! This Transylvania Purchase truly became the spearhead of a massive migration of settlers into the western lands. It must have looked like a never ending stream as more and more white settlers poured over the mountains, down the rivers, and across Indian lands settling on the river bottoms, valleys and hillsides of the ancestral lands of the Red Men. It is estimated by some that as many as 300,000 settlers traveled the “Wilderness Trail”, on their way West, between 1775 and 1800.

Like so many characters and events in history, Dragging Canoe was a complicated individual driven by strong beliefs and circumstances. Whether he should be viewed as a blood-thirsty savage or an insightful and courageous protector of his people, depends on ones point of view. At the very least, he had a deep love and commitment to his people and their way of life and courageously defended both as long as there was life in his body - - - character traits shared by many of our white ancestors as well. If only a better compromise, that would have allowed co-existence could have been forged . . . . .

Jacob Castle

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One of the earliest settlers in the western wilderness was Jacob Castle. In 1746 he traded a rusty musket and butcher knife to the Indians for a small tract of land that later became part of Saltville, Va.. Later, after being involved in some sort of dispute with his neighbors, he moved to the Castlewood section of what became Russell County. There he built a small cabin from which to range on long-hunts in the surrounding area. Sometimes he was gone for months at a time. Like other hunters of his day, he dressed in a dear skin hunting shirt, beaver cap, buckskin moccasins and leggings, and blended in well with the soft tones of the woods. He carried a hatchet, knife, shot pouch, and provisions such as meal, salt, jerked beef and pemmican in a bag slung over his shoulder. He also carried a long-barrelled rifle commonly made by German gunsmiths in eastern Pennsylvania, Maryland, and along the western trail. Originally they were called Pennsylvania Rifles but later became more commonly called the Kentucky Hunter's Rifle. As he ranged about the countryside, he gradually began to encounter more and more other settlers. As hostile Indian activity became more common, settlers were frequently forced to build near others for protection. Soon other settlers also came to "Castle's Woods" and cleared land near his tiny cabin. The fact that the Loyal Land Company claimed ownership of much of the territory, did not deter squatters from building where they chose. If confronted by the owner, they would simply move on. Available land was certainly no problem to the early settlers.
Many notable settlers visited or settled for a time in the Castle Wood area. Daniel Boone, Patrick Porter, William Russell, and many others, were there for "a spell". At least two important forts were built near there for the protection of the settlers and the western frontier, (Snoddy's Fort and Moore's Fort.) We will probably never know exactly why Jacob Castle chose this remote area to settle and he certainly never anticipated that it would become such an important settlement on the frontier.

Braddock's Defeat - - - Letter From George Washington to Gov. Dinwiddie

2005-01-07T13:06:00.000-05:00

Geo. Washington to Gov. Dinwiddie (7/18/1755)
Records of the British Colonial Office,
Class 5 Part 3: The French & Indian War 1754-1763
Roll 1 of 8D000833 roll 19Combat Arms Research Library (C.A.R.L.)Fort Leavenworth, KS

Honble. Sire [sic]As I am favored with an opportunity, I should think myself inexcusable, was I to omit giving You Some Account of our late Engagement with the French on the Monongahela the 9th inst. We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier's which is within 7 Miles of Du-quesne without meeting with any extraordinary Event Saving only a Straggler or two pick'd up by the French Indians - When we came to this Place, we were attack'd (and very unexpectedly I must own) by about 300 French & Indians, our Numbers consisted of about 1300 well arm'd men, chiefly Regulars, who were immediately struck with a deadly Panic, that nothing but Confusion and Disobedience of Orders prevailed amongst them: The Officers in general behaved with incomparable Bravery, for which they greatly suffered, there being near 60 kill'd and wounded - a large Proportion out of the Number we had! - Our poor Virginians behaved like men, and died like Soldiers, for I believe out of three Companies, that were there that Day, scarce 30 were left alive: Capt. Peyrounie [sic] & all his Officers down to a Corporal were killed; Capt. Polson shared almost as hard a fate, for only one of his Escaped. In short, the dastardly Behavior of the English Soldiers, exposed all those who were inclin'd to do their Duty to almost certain Death, and at length in despite of every Effort to the contrary, broke and run [sic] like Sheep before the Hounds, leaving the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, & every Individual Thing we had with us a Prey for the Enemy; and when we endeavored to rally them in hopes of regaining our Invaluable loss, it was with as much Success as if we had attempted to stop the wild Bears of the Mountains - The General was wounded behind the Shoulder into the Breast of which He died three Days after; His two Aids de Camps were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery: Colo. Burton & Sr. John St. Clair were also both wounded, and I hope will get over it. Sr. Peter Halkett with many other Brave Officers were kill'd in the Field. I luckily escap'd without a Wound, tho' I had four Bullets thro' my Coat & two horses shot under me: It is Supposed we left 300 or more in the Field, dead; about that Number we brought off wounded, and it is imagined (I believe with Justice too) that two Thirds of both those Numbers, received their Shot from our own cowardly Dogs of Soldiers, who gathered themselves into a Body contrary to Orders 10 or 12 Deep, would then level, fire and Shoot down the men before them. - I tremble at the Consequence that the Defeat may have upon our back Inhabitants, who I suppose will all leave their Habitations unless proper measures are taken for their Security. - Colo. Dunbar, who Commands at present intends so soon as his Men are recruited at this Place, to continue his March to Philadelphia into Winter Quarters: so that there will no men be left here, unless it is the poor remains of the Virginia Troops, who now are, and will be too weak to guard our Frontiers - As Capt. Orme is writing to Yr. Honr., I doubt not but he will give You a very Circumstantial Acct. of all Things which will make it needless for me to add more than that[.] I amHonble. SirYour most Obedt. & / most hble. Servt.G. Washington.
To the Honble. Govr. Dinwiddie
A true CopyAttr: Wm. Alexander Secy

A Collection of Interesting Web Sites

2005-01-04T11:00:00.000-05:00

http://www.portaportal.com/

At the above URL, you will find a collection of websites, dealing with the settlement of the Appalachian Frontier, that I have found useful and interesting. As I discover others, I will add them to the list. I would appreciate your help in creating this handy on-line collection. Please send me a brief E-Mail if you find a site that you think would be a nice addition to the site and I will include it.

To access this site, simply type echo in the Guest Log-In window.

Thank you for your help and enjoy.

DLD

FINCASTLE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY

2004-12-27T09:45:00.000-05:00

(SOURCE: 1- Virginia GAZETTE, Feb.10, 1775)
(2- American Archives, Ser. IV,I,cols. 1165-66.)

Abstractor's Note: This is the World Famous--FINCASTLE RESOLUTION!
A precursor to the Declaration of Independence!

The FESTER started in 1738/9 when our people of the Western Waters saw they were treated as inferior and overlooked by George II. Then during the F&I War the young boys saw the ignorance and insolence of the Flatt Landed Englishman! They were seldom paid and had to scrounge for their own food, clothing and powder and flints.
The FESTER turned RED in 1763 when crazy George III , bent over backwards to the French and closed all Settlement on the Western Waters West of New River! All the Virginia Colonial Militia were denied their LAND BOUNTY PAY!
The Fester swelled when LORD DUNMORE and his 1000 men took the long way to POINT PLEASANT and got there two days after the Battle was over! (Thanks Dunnie for the thought! Hogwash!)
My William Kennedy Sr and JR. stood on the hill overlooking the Miami River (in Ohio) and saw the hated Shawnee who had been killing their blood since 1740! They were ready! Their leader , Col Andrew Lewis ( of Salem,VA) was ready----yes ready to charge into the red heatherns and get a little "pay back"!
Out rides the Shawnee Chiefs with a white flag and GOVERNOR DUNMORE takes their hand and gives them PEACE! He even took rations from his starving soldiers to give to the cutthroats. THE FESTER BURST! PUS poured all over DUNMORE and every mother's son knew what had to be done-----Return to their homes--form MINUTE COMPANIES (some times called Committee of Safety Companies) and range their frontiers to protect their own--drive all those loyal to the Crown out of public service and military command and GET READY!
Just look at the time frame---Battle at Point Pleasant in the first week of October and march to the Shawnee Villages and then the long return home--some men did not get home till last of November. Immediately they organized and waited for the Resolution from the new Continental Congress!
P.S. This original Resolution is in the handwriting of Reverend Charles Cummings of Abingdon, VA and founder of the Ebbing Springs Church which stands today. God Bless the Ulster Scot-God Bless the American Revolution and God Bless the Presbyterian Church. Amen. Cwkjr.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE FINCASTLE COUNTY COMMITTEE (OF SAFETY)
JANUARY 20, 1775
"In obedience to the resolves of the Continental Congress, a meeting of the freeholders of this county was held this day, who, after approving of the association framed by that augusto body in behalf of all the colonies, and subscribing thereto, proceeded to the election of a committee, to see the same carried punctually into execution, when the following Gentlemen were nominated: Reverend Charles Cummings, Colonel William Preston, Colonel William Christian, Captain Stephen Trigg, Major Arthur Campbell, Major William Inglis, Captain Walter Crockett, Captain John Montgomery, Captain James M'Gavock, Captain William Campbell, Captain Thomas Madison, Captain Daniel Smith, Captain William Russell, Captain Evan Shelby, and Lieutenant William Edmondson.
After the election, the committee made choice of Colonel William Christian for their chairman, and appointed Mr. David Campbell to be their clerk.
The following address was then unanimously agreed to by the people of the county, and is as follows:
To the Honourable Peyton Randolph, Esq.: Richard Henry Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton, Esquires, the Delagates from this colony who attended the Continental Congress held at Philadelphia.
Gentlemen,
Had it not been for our remote situation, and the Indian war which we were lately engaged in, to chastise those cruel and savage people for the many murders and depredations they have committed amongst us (now happily terminated, under the auspices of our present worthy Governour, his Excellency the Right Honourable the Earl of Dunmore) we should before this time have made known to you our thankfulness for the very important services you have rendered to this country, in conjunction with the worthy Delegates from the other provinces. Your noble efforts for reconciling the Mother Country and the Colonies, on rational and constitutional principles, and your pacifick,steady, and
uniform conduct in that arduous work, entitle you to the esteem of all British America, and will immortalize you in the annals of your country. We heartily concur in your resolutions, and shall, in every instance, strictly and invariably adhere thereto.
We assure you, Gentlemen, and all our countrymen, that we are a people whose hearts overflow with love and duty to our lawful sovereign George III. whose illustrious house, for several successive reigns, have been the guardians of civil and religious rights and liberties of his subjects, as settled at the glorious Revolution; that we are willing to risk our lives in the service of his Majesty, for the support of the Protestant religion, and the rights and liberties of his subjects, as they have been established by compact, law, and ancient charters.
We are heartily grieved at the differences which now subsist between the parent state and the colonies, and most ardently wish to see harmony restored, on an equitable basis, and by the most lenient measures that can be devised by the heart of men.
Many of us, and our forefathers, left our native land, considering it as a kingdom subjected to inordinate power, amd greatly abridged of its liberties. We crossed the Atlantick, and explored this then uncultivated wilderness, bordering on many nations of savages, and surrounded by mountains almost inaccessible to any but those very savages, who have incessantly been committing barbarities and depredations on us since our first seating the country. These fatigues and dangers we patiently encountered, supported by the pleasing hope of enjoying those rights and liberties which have been granted to Virginians and were denied us in our native country, and of transmitting them inviolate to our posterity. But even to these remote regions the land of unlimited and unconstitutional power hath pursued us, to strip us of that liberty and property with which God, nature, and the rights of humanity, have vested us. We are ready and willing to contribute all in our power for the support of his Majesty's government, if applied to constitutionally, and when the grants are made by our own representatives; but cannot think of submitting our liberty or property to the power of a venal British parliment, or to the will of a corrupt ministry.
We by no means desire to shake off our duty or allegiance to our lawful sovereign, but on the contrary shall ever glory in being the loyal subjects of a Protestant prince, descended from such illustrious progenitors, so long as we can enjoy the free exercise of our religion, as Protestants, and our liberties and properties, as British subjects.
But if no pacifick measures shall be proposed or adopted by Great Britian, and our enemies will attempt to dragoon us out of those inestimable privileges which we are entitled to as subjects, and to reduce us to a state of slavery, we declare, that we are deliberately and resolutely determined never to surrender them to any power upon earth, but at the expense of our lives.
These are our real, though unpolished sentiments, of liberty and loyalty, and in them we are resolved to live and die.
We are, Gentlemen, with the utmost esteem and regard, your most obedient servant.

Cumberland Gap

2004-12-22T11:21:00.000-05:00

What a sight it must have been. Standing at the narrow, 2-mile-wide notch, or gap, on Cumberland Mountain, a visitor with lots of time—say, a couple of centuries—would have had the privilege of watching one of America's most unusual animal and human migrations. First it was woodland bison (Bison bison pennsylvania), elk (Cervus canadensis), and white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) that trampled a trail through this natural doorway to the salt licks and ample food of bluegrass Kentucky beyond the mountain barrier. Bands of Shawnee and Cherokee Indians followed the animals to the rich hunting grounds, and sometimes raiding parties followed one another. So many bleached bones of rival Indian tribes littered the trail from the Potomac River south through Cumberland Gap then north to the Ohio River that the route came to be called Warrior's Path.
Then in 1750, white explorers led by Dr. Thomas Walker found this narrow pass through the Appalachian Mountains, of which the Cumberland range is a part. With only primitive transportation, restless colonists along the eastern seaboard had been stymied all along the mountain wall. Also, French settlers and allied tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy made the western frontier beyond the mountains dangerous to explore. Shawnees, distressed at encroachment on their rich Kentucky hunting grounds by white trappers and settlers, became increasingly belligerent.
In 1774, at Point Pleasant, the Shawnees and a confederacy of Delaware, Wyandot, Cayuga, and other Indian tribes led by Cornstalk lost a bloody battle with Virginia settlers and militia. To save their families, the Shawnees gave up rights to their hunting grounds by signing the Treaty of Camp Charlotte. When the 1775 Treaty of Sycamore Shoals was signed, Daniel Boone and 30 men set out from the Long Island of the Holston (in present day Kingsport, Tenn.) and blazed the Wilderness Trail through Scott and Lee Counties in Va. and through Cumberland Gap into Kentucky.
Waves of land-hungry immigrants soon trudged along the crude trail . By the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783, an impressive stream of 12,000 people had crossed into the new territory. The stream became a river, then a torrent. By 1792, the population west of the gap was more than 100,000, and Kentucky was invited to join the Union. As the century came to a close, traffic on the Wilderness Road continued day and night. The curses of oxen drivers and the bawl of cattle mingled with the jingle of horse harnesses and the groans of loaded wagons struggling across Cumberland Gap. By 1800, just 50 years after it was discovered by Walker, the famous gap had funneled more than a third of a million people from the East to the new lands of the West.